WBEZ | terrorism http://www.wbez.org/tags/terrorism Latest from WBEZ Chicago Public Radio en Foreign Policy Questions the 2016 Presidential Candidates Aren't Asking http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2016-02-01/foreign-policy-questions-2016-presidential-candidates-arent-asking <p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/Campaign3.jpg" title="Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks at a rally Sunday, Jan. 31, 2016, in Council Bluffs, Iowa. (AP Photo/Jae C. Hong)" /></div><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/244955466&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p dir="ltr"><span style="font-size:24px;">National Security Issues &ldquo;Missing&rdquo; in the 2016 Presidential Campaign</span><br />The Iowa Caucuses are in full swing. &nbsp;Polls show that Hilary Clinton and Bernie Sanders are in a tight race on the Democratic side and Ted Cruz and Donald Trump are also close. &nbsp;The presidential debates and the 2016 candidates have focused on a range of issues up until now, ranging from ISIS to income inequality. &nbsp;Still, in a recent article in The Nation, author Andrew Bacevich &nbsp;argues there are big, important &nbsp;national security issues that none of the candidates are talking about, things like nuclear weapons and European security. &nbsp;Bacevich, professor emeritus of international relations and history at Boston University and author, most recently of <em>Breach of Trust: &nbsp;How Americans Failed Their Soldiers and Their Country</em>, joins us to talk about the issues he says, are missing from the campaign trail. &nbsp;His article &ldquo;6 National Security Questions the Establishment Candidates don&rsquo;t want to Answer,&rdquo; appears in the Nation.</p><p><strong>Guest:</strong> Andrew Bacevich is professor emeritus of international relations and history at Boston University and author, most recently of <em>Breach of Trust: How Americans Failed Their Soldiers and Their Country</em>.</p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/WHM---Nasser.jpg" title="Gamal Abdul Nasser receives the Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie at airport on his arrival to attend the Pan African summit conference scheduled to open in Cairo on Friday, July 17, 1961. (AP Photo/Jim Pringle)" /></div><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/244955474&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p dir="ltr"><span style="font-size:24px;">World History Moment: United Arab Republic</span><br />February 1, 1958 marks the founding of the United Arab Republic. In the late 1950s Gamal Abdul Nasser was a hero in the Arab world. &nbsp;As President of Egypt, he&rsquo;d resisted foreign domination. &nbsp;He was also adept at Cold War politics and the United Arab Republic was an attempt to formalize the growing pan-Arabism movement, the idea that the Arab peoples of the Middle East and North Africa should be united into one nation. &nbsp;Historian John Schmidt tells us how it began and how it ended.</p><p><strong>Guest:</strong> John Schmidt is a historian and the author of &ldquo;On This Day in Chicago History.&rdquo;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/Ethopia.jpg" title="Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn attends the opening ceremony of the 26 ordinary of the African Summit in Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa Saturday, Jan. 30, 2016. (AP Photo/Mulugeta Ayene)" /></p><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/244955479&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p dir="ltr"><span style="font-size:24px;">Ethiopia&rsquo;s new anti- terrorism law</span><br />The 26th African Union Summit came to a close over the weekend. It was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Despite the fact that human rights were a major focus of the gathering, Ethiopia&rsquo;s government is under heavy international scrutiny, accused of continued human rights and civil liberty abuses. A new report by the policy and human rights think tank, Oakland Institute, titled <em>Ethiopia&#39;s Anti-Terrorism Law: A Tool to Stifle Dissent</em>, details how the Ethiopian government imprisons, oppresses and harasses critics under its &ldquo;2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.&rdquo; Anuradha Mittal is executive director of the Oakland Institute. Mittal and Lewis Gordon, co-author and editor of the report, &nbsp;join us to discuss their findings. Gordon will tell us why he wrote that the &ldquo;law defines terrorism in an extremely broad and vague way so as to give the government enormous leeway to punish words and acts that would be perfectly legal in a democracy.&rdquo;</p><p><br /><strong>Guests:</strong>&nbsp;Anuradha Mittal is executive director of the Oakland Institute, a policy think tank on social, economic, and environmental issues.</p><p>Lewis Gordon is executive director of the Environmental Defender Law Center, editor and co-author of the Oakland Institute report, &ldquo;Ethiopia&#39;s Anti-Terrorism Law: A Tool to Stifle Dissent&rdquo;</p></p> Mon, 01 Feb 2016 16:13:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2016-02-01/foreign-policy-questions-2016-presidential-candidates-arent-asking Anger in America Has a Long History http://www.wbez.org/programs/here-and-now/2016-01-14/anger-america-has-long-history-114473 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/ANGER-Douglas GrundyThree LionsGetty Images.jpg" alt="" /><p><div id="attachment_99592"><img alt="In this image, people faint and cause disorder in a courtroom during the 1692 trial of suspected witch, George Jacobs. (Douglas Grundy/Three Lions/Getty Images)" src="http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.wbur.org/wordpress/11/files/2016/01/0111_witch-trial-624x458.jpg" style="height: 455px; width: 620px;" title="In this image, people faint and cause disorder in a courtroom during the 1692 trial of suspected witch, George Jacobs. (Douglas Grundy/Three Lions/Getty Images)" /><p>Amid the heated political rhetoric of 2016, the author of a book about the Salem witch trials of the 17th-century says hatred of the so-called &ldquo;other&rdquo; dates back to the Puritans.&nbsp;</p><p><a href="http://www.amazon.com/The-Witches-Salem-Stacy-Schiff/dp/0316200603?tag=wburorg-20" target="_blank">The Witches: Salem 1692</a>.&rdquo;<a name="excerpt" style="color: rgb(44, 149, 199); outline: none; transition: opacity 0.3s ease 0s;"></a></p></div><p><em><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/12/20/opinion/sunday/anger-an-american-history.html" target="_blank">Read Stacy Schiff&rsquo;s New York Times op-ed &ldquo;Anger: An American History&rdquo;</a></em></p><p>&nbsp;</p><hr /><p><strong><span style="font-size:18px;">Book Excerpt: &lsquo;The Witches: Salem, 1692&rsquo; By Stacy Schiff</span></strong></p><p style="text-align: center;"><strong>The Diseases of Astonishment</strong></p><blockquote><p><em>We&nbsp;will declare frankly that nothing is clear&nbsp;in this world. Only fools and charlatans know and understand everything.</em></p><p>&mdash;&nbsp;Anton Chekhov</p><p>&nbsp;</p></blockquote><p>In 1692 the Massachusetts Bay Colony executed fourteen women, five men, and two dogs for witchcraft. The sorcery materialized in January. The first hanging took place in June, the last in September; a stark, stunned silence followed. What discomfited those who survived the ordeal was not the cunning practice of witchcraft but the clumsy administration of justice. Innocents indeed appeared to have hanged. But guilty parties had escaped. There was no vow never to forget; consigning nine months to oblivion seemed a more appropriate response. It worked, for a generation. We have been conjuring with Salem &mdash; our national nightmare, the undercooked, overripe tabloid episode, the dystopian chapter in our past &mdash; ever since. It crackles, flickers, and jolts its way through American history and literature.</p><p>No one burned at the stake. No midwives died. The voodoo arrived later, with a nineteenth‑century historian; the half‑black slave with Longfellow; the casting of spells in the forest with Arthur Miller. (A movie delivered the chicken blood and the boiling cauldron.) Erudition&nbsp;plays a greater role in the story than ignorance. It is however true that fifty‑five people confessed to witchcraft. A minister was hanged. And while we will never know the exact number of those formally charged with having &ldquo;wickedly, maliciously, and feloniously&rdquo; engaged in sorcery, somewhere between 144 and 185 witches and wizards were named in twenty‑five villages and towns before the crisis passed. Reports had it that more than seven hundred witches flew about Massachusetts. So many stood accused that witnesses confused their witches. Even a careful chronicler afterward sent the wrong woman flying through the air on a singularly inauspicious flight.</p><p>The youngest of the witches was five, the eldest nearly eighty. A daughter accused her mother, who in turn accused her mother, who accused a neighbor and a minister. A wife and daughter denounced their husband and father. Husbands implicated wives; nephews their aunts; sons‑in‑law their mothers‑in‑law; siblings each other. Only fathers and sons weathered the crisis unscathed. A woman who traveled to Salem to clear her name wound up shackled before the afternoon was out. In Andover &mdash; the community most severely affected &mdash; one of every fifteen people was accused. The town&rsquo;s senior minister discovered he was related to no fewer than twenty witches. Ghosts escaped their graves to flit in and out of the courtroom, unnerving more than did the witches themselves. Through the episode surge several questions that touch the third rail of our fears: Who was conspiring against you? Might you be a witch and not know it? Can an innocent person be guilty? Could anyone, wondered a group of men late in the summer, think himself safe?</p><p><img alt="Cover of &quot;The Witches&quot; by Stacy Schiff" src="http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.wbur.org/wordpress/11/files/2016/01/0111_the-witches-198x300.jpg" style="height: 303px; width: 200px; float: right; margin-left: 10px; margin-right: 10px;" /></p><p>How did the idealistic Bay Colony arrive &mdash; three generations after its founding &mdash; in such a dark place? Nearly as many theories have been advanced to explain the Salem witch trials as the Kennedy assassination. Our first true‑crime story has been attributed to generational, sexual, economic, ecclesiastical, and class tensions; regional hostilities imported from England; food poisoning; a hothouse religion in a cold climate; teenage hysteria; fraud, taxes, conspiracy; political instability; trauma&nbsp;induced by Indian attacks; and to witchcraft itself, among the more reasonable theories.</p><p>America&rsquo;s tiny reign of terror, Salem represents one of the rare moments in our enlightened past when the candles are knocked out and everyone seems to be groping about in the dark, the place where all good stories begin. Easy to caricature &mdash; it is the only tragedy that has acquired its own annual, unrelated holiday &mdash; it is more difficult to comprehend. The irresistible locked‑room mystery of the matter is what keeps us coming back to it. In three hundred years, we have not adequately penetrated nine months of Massachusetts history. If we knew more about Salem, we might attend to it less, a conundrum that touches on something of what propelled the witch panic in the first place. Things disturb us in the night. Sometimes they are our consciences. Sometimes they are our secrets. Sometimes they are our fears, translated from one idiom to another. Often what pinches and pricks, gnaws, claws, stabs, and suffocates, like a seventeenth‑century witch, is the irritatingly unsolved puzzle in the next room.</p><p>The population of New England in 1692 would fit into Yankee Stadium&nbsp;today. Nearly to a person, they were Puritans. Having suffered for their faith, those families had sailed to North America to worship &ldquo;with more purity and less peril than they could do in the country where they were,&rdquo; as a minister at the heart of the crisis put it. They believed the Reformation incomplete, the Church of England insufficiently pure. They intended in North America to complete the task. On a providential mission, they hoped to begin history anew; they had the advantage of building a civilization &mdash; a &ldquo;New English Israel,&rdquo; as one clergyman termed it in</p><p>1689 &mdash; from scratch. Nonconforming Protestants, they were double dissenters, twice in revolt. That did not make them popular people. They tended toward fissions and factions, strong opinions, righteous indignation. Like any oppressed people, they defined themselves by what offended them, which would give New England its gritty flavor and, it has been argued, America its independence. Rigorous Calvinists, they had come a great distance to worship as they pleased; they were intolerant of those who did so differently. They were ardent, anxious, unbashful, incurably logical, not quite Americans, of as homogeneous a culture as has ever existed on this continent.</p><p>A visitor exaggerated when he reported that New Englanders could &ldquo;neither drive a bargain, nor make a jest, without a text of Scripture at the end on it,&rdquo; but he was not far off. If there was a book in the house &mdash; as almost inevitably there was &mdash; it was the Bible. The early modern American thought, breathed, dreamed, disciplined, bartered, and hallucinated in biblical texts and imagery. Witchcraft judge Samuel Sewall would court an attractive widow with published sermons; she held him off with the Apostle Paul.</p><p>The New World constituted a plagiarism of the old with a few crucial differences. Stretching from Martha&rsquo;s Vineyard to Nova Scotia and incorporating parts of present‑day Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Maine, the Bible commonwealth perched on the edge of a wilderness. From the start it tangled with another American staple: the devilish savage, the swarthy terrorist in the backyard. Even the colony&rsquo;s less isolated outposts felt their fragility. A tempest blew the roof off one of the finest houses in Salem as its ten occupants slept. A church went flying with its congregation inside. The early American lived not only on a frontier but in many ways out of time. A foreign monarch could be dead one minute and alive the next, so unreliable was the news. The residents of Massachusetts Bay did not always know who sat on the throne to which they owed allegiance. In 1692 they did not know the terms of their government. They had endured without one for three years; finalized at the end of 1691, a new charter was only just sailing their way. For three months of the year they could not be certain what year they were living in. Because the pope approved the Gregorian calendar, New England rejected it, stubbornly continuing to date the start of the new year to March 25. (When witches assaulted their first victims in Salem village, it was 1691 in North America, 1692 in Europe.)</p><p>In isolated settlements, in dim, smoky, firelit homes, New Englanders lived very much in the dark, where one listens more acutely, feels most passionately, imagines most vividly, where the sacred and the occult thrive. Their fears and fancies differed little from ours, even if the early&nbsp;American witch had as much in common with our pointy‑hatted crone as Somali pirates do with Captain Hook. Their dark, however, was a very different dark. The sky over New England was crow black, pitch‑black, Bible black, so black it could be difficult at night to keep to the path, so black that a line of trees might freely migrate to another location or that you might find yourself pursued after nightfall by a rabid black hog, leaving you to crawl home, bloody and disoriented, on all fours. Indeed eyeglasses were rare in seventeenth‑century Massachusetts. Hard cider was the drink of choice. Still, the thoughtful, devout, literate New Englander could, in the Salem courtroom, at times sound as if he were on a lowgrade acid trip.</p><p>In all of New England, it would have been difficult to find more than a few souls to whom the supernatural was not eminently real, part and parcel of the culture, as was the devil himself. Most had a story to tell you, as many of us do today. We have all observed the occult in action, even if we do not quite subscribe to it. A year after the witchcraft crisis had passed, Cotton Mather, among the best‑read men in America, visited Salem. He lost his sermon notes, which turned up a month later, scattered through the streets of a neighboring town. He concluded that diabolical agents had stolen them. One no more doubted the reality of sorcery than the literal truth of the Bible; to do so was to question the sun shining at noon. Faith aside, witchcraft served an eminently useful purpose. The aggravating, the confounding, the humiliating all dissolved in its cauldron. It made sense of the unfortunate and the eerie, the sick child and the rancid butter along with the killer cat. What else, shrugged one husband, could have caused the black and blue marks on his wife&rsquo;s arm?</p><p>For some of the things that plagued the seventeenth‑century New Englander we have modern‑day explanations. For others we do not. We have believed in any number of things &mdash; the tooth fairy, cold fusion, the benefits of smoking, the free lunch &mdash; that turn out not to exist. We all subscribe to preposterous beliefs; we just don&rsquo;t know yet which ones&nbsp;they are. We too have been known to prefer plot to truth; to deny the evidence before us in favor of the ideas behind us; to do insane things in the name of reason; to take that satisfying step from the righteous to the self‑righteous; to drown our private guilts in a public well; to indulge in a little delusion. We have all believed that someone had nothing better to do than spend his day plotting against us. The seventeenth‑century world appeared full of inexplicables, not unlike the automated, mindreading, algorithmically enhanced modern one.</p><p>Though we tend not to conclude that specters have stolen our notes, we live with &mdash; and continue to relish &mdash; perplexity every day. We love to hear that when the flash of lightning struck the man at prayer, it carried away the book of Revelation but left the rest of the Bible intact. Even those of us who do not occupy the Puritans&rsquo; high spiritual plane are susceptible to what Mather termed the &ldquo;diseases of astonishment.&rdquo; Our appetite for the miraculous endures; we continue to want there to be something just beyond our ken. We hope to locate the secret powers we didn&rsquo;t know we had, like the ruby slippers Dorothy finds on her feet and that Glinda has to tell her how to work. Where women are concerned, it is preferable that those powers manifest only when crisis strikes; the best heroine is the accidental one. Before and after the trials, New England feasted on sensational tales of female daring, the prowess its women displayed under Indian assault. Those captivity narratives provided something of a template for witchcraft. Everyone has a captivity narrative; today we call it memoir. Sometimes too we turn out to be captives of our ideas. Salem is in part the story of what happens when a set of unanswerable questions meets a set of unquestioned answers.</p><p>Rich in shape‑shifting humans, fantastical flights, rash wishes, beleaguered servants, evil stepmothers, bewitched hay, and enchanted apples, the crisis in Salem resembles another seventeenth‑century genre as well: the fairy tale. It took place in the wilderness, the address to which the hunter transports you when instructed to cut out your lungs and liver, where wolves follow you home. Salem touches on what is unreal but by&nbsp;no means untrue; at its heart are unfulfilled wishes and unexpressed anxieties, rippling sexual undercurrents and raw terror. It unspools in that fertile, dreamlike expanse between the uncanny and the absurd. There had been New England witch trials before, but none precipitated by a cohort of bewitched adolescent and preadolescent girls. Also like a fairy tale, Salem is a story in which women &mdash; strong‑minded women and trembling, subservient women, upright matrons and wayward teenagers &mdash; play decisive roles. It includes a tacit salute to unsettling female power in the sheer number of women accused. A group of young, disenfranchised girls unleashed the crisis, displaying forces no one could contain and that disturb still today. Which may or may not have something to do with why we have turned a story of women in peril into one about perilous women.</p><p>Women play the villains in fairy tales &mdash; what are you saying when you place the very emblem of lowly domestic duty between your legs and ride off, defying the bounds of community and laws of gravity? &mdash; but those tales are as well the province of youth. Salem is bound up on every level with adolescence, that immoderate age when, vulnerable and invincible, we skip blithely along the border between the rational and the irrational, when interest surges both in the spiritual and the supernatural. The crisis began with two prepubescent girls and came quickly to involve a group of teenagers, understood to be enchanted by individuals most of them had never met. The girls hailed from a village clamoring for its autonomy and from a colony itself in the throes of a painful adolescence. For years the Crown had attempted to impose royal authorities on New England, the most recent of which the leading citizens of Massachusetts &mdash; including nearly all the future witchcraft judges &mdash; had overthrown. They had every reason to demand English protection against marauding Indians and designing Frenchmen. But while bemoaning their vulnerability &mdash; they were an &ldquo;orphan plantation&rdquo; &mdash; the settlers simultaneously resented oversight. They braced from the start for interference, vowing to reject it when it came and finding themselves humiliated when it did. The relationship with the mother country&nbsp;had devolved into a running quarrel; for some time the people who were meant to protect the colonists seemed rather as if they persecuted them. (By contrast, London found New Englanders to be of &ldquo;peevish and touchy humor.&rdquo;) The Massachusetts authorities suffered too from another anxiety that would play a role in 1692. Every time they looked back in admiration at the men who had founded their godly commonwealth, every time they lauded that greatest of generations, they grew just a little bit smaller themselves.</p><p>Historical truths emerge only with time. With Salem they have crept out haltingly at best and with some deformation. Avid record keepers, Puritans did not like for things to go forgotten. Yet mid‑1692 is a period when, if you take the extant archives at face value, no one in Massachusetts kept a regular diary, including even the most fanatical of diarists. Reverend Samuel Willard&rsquo;s&nbsp;</p><p>No trace of a single session of the witchcraft court survives. We have accounts of the trials but no records; we are left with preparatory papers &mdash; depositions, indictments, confessions, petitions &mdash; and two death warrants. The Salem village record book has been expunged. No newspaper yet circulated in a North American colony. While the bewitched commanded a rapt audience for much of a year, their voices are lost to us. Their words come to us exclusively from men who were far from thorough, seldom impartial, and not always transcribing in the room in which they heard those statements. They mangle and strangle the voices of the accused; they are equally inattentive to the accusers, not all of whose statements they committed to paper. We have few full transcripts of preliminary hearings. The testimony came too fast; the pandemonium in the courtroom made it impossible to hear. It is difficult to say with any certainty whose lines are whose. The recorders quickly gave up on faithful transcribing, summarizing instead, adding flavor as they went. One simply noted that a defendant adopted &ldquo;a very wicked, spiteful manner.&rdquo; Another interrupted his work to call the suspect a liar. After a certain date, the keepers of the accounts did not dwell on denials, understood to crumble soon enough into confessions. Which poses another problem: The testimony is sworn, on oath. It is also full of tall tales, unless you happen to believe &mdash; as one woman confessed, having vowed to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth &mdash; that she flew on a stick with her church deacon and two others to a satanic baptism, and that she had, the previous Monday, carried her minister&rsquo;s specter through the air along with her, having earlier conferred in her orchard with a satanic cat. Over one hundred reporters took down testimony. Few were trained to do so. They were maddeningly inconsistent. Even when they recorded an answer, they did not always bother to note the question, although it is fairly easy to extrapolate what that was when a nineteen‑year‑old standing before three of the most imposing men she would meet in her lifetime cried, &ldquo;I will tell! I will tell!&rdquo; &mdash; and proceeded to confess to witchcraft.</p><p>Accusers confused suspects; later chroniclers conflated them further. Several had the same name. In many cases all we can glimpse of an individual is what emerged under withering interrogation as transcribed by court reporters antipathetic to her and who in some cases testified against her. We know little about most of them except that they were accused of witchcraft or confessed to it. They are like fairy‑tale figures too in that we recognize them by a sole detail &mdash; a quirk of dress, a turn of phrase, an inner tremor. This leaves us to make much of a single characteristic: Mary Warren was fair‑faced. Abigail Hobbs was shameless. George Jacobs had a rollicking sense of humor; Samuel Parris had none. What do we want those implicated in the trials to tell us? What were they thinking when they confessed to flying through the air or smothering the neighbor; deposing a perfectly lucid woman who insisted she knew nothing of witchcraft; sharing a cell with a convicted wizard; standing at the gallows as the man they accused of sorcery insisted, with his last breath, on his innocence? Where was the devil in Salem and what was he really up to? How did those who withstood the vicious accusations find the strength to do so? All went to their graves believing still in witches. At what point did it occur to them that though the sorcery might be real, the trials were a sham? Theirs is a little story that becomes a big one, much more than our national campfire story, the gothic, genre releasing crack‑up on the way to the Constitution. The witch hunt stands as a cobwebbed, crowd‑sourced cautionary tale, a reminder that &mdash; as a minister at odds with the crisis noted &mdash; extreme right can blunder into extreme wrong.</p><p>There is a very great deal we cannot know: How did two people who had accused each other of witchcraft fare together for months on end in a tiny cell? What if they were mother and daughter? How did a ghost differ from an apparition? Which terror was worse, that the next knock would be at your door, that the witchcraft would skid next into your home, or that the man you were sentencing to hang might not be a wizard after all? We go back to their words again and again to wring answers from&nbsp;parched Puritan prose and pursed Puritan lips, to unlock the meaning of an episode that originated in allegory and that burst &mdash; an electrifying pop‑up book &mdash; into incandescent history, only to settle back into allegory. A prayer, a spell, a book; the hope is the same: if we can just fix the words in the right order, the horizon will brighten, our vision improve, and &mdash; uncertainty relaxing its hold &mdash; all will fall wondrously into place.</p><blockquote><p>1: to prepare his seventeen-year-old for a suitor, Sewall read her the story of adam and eve. it proved less soothing than expected; she hid from her caller in the stable.</p><p>2: most accomplish only part of the job. as a proponent of the witchcraft theory conceded: &ldquo;there are departments in twentieth-century american universities with as long and as vicious a history of factional hatreds as any to be found in Salem, and the parties to these hatreds accuse each other of all sorts of absurdities, but witchcraft is not one of them.&rdquo;</p><p>&nbsp;</p></blockquote><p><em>Excerpted from the book THE WITCHES by Stacy Schiff. Copyright &copy; 2015 by Stacy Schiff. Reprinted with permission of Little, Brown and Company.</em></p><p><a href="http://hereandnow.wbur.org/2016/01/11/history-anger-in-america" target="_blank"><em>&mdash; via Here &amp; Now</em></a></p></p> Thu, 14 Jan 2016 08:40:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/here-and-now/2016-01-14/anger-america-has-long-history-114473 Explosion in Heart of Istanbul's Tourist Area Kills at Least 10 http://www.wbez.org/news/explosion-heart-istanbuls-tourist-area-kills-least-10-114452 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/gettyimages-504660554_custom-16e76ee82e527c519956d338cbf69a2f98481411-s800-c85.jpg" alt="" /><p><div id="res462764263" previewtitle="Ambulances and police are seen at the blast site after an explosion in Istanbul's central Sultanahmet district. At least 10 people were killed and 15 wounded in a suicide bombing near tourists in central Istanbul's historic Sultanahmet district."><div data-crop-type=""><img alt="Ambulances and police are seen at the blast site after an explosion in Istanbul's central Sultanahmet district. At least 10 people were killed and 15 wounded in a suicide bombing near tourists in central Istanbul's historic Sultanahmet district." src="http://media.npr.org/assets/img/2016/01/12/gettyimages-504660554_custom-16e76ee82e527c519956d338cbf69a2f98481411-s800-c85.jpg" style="height: 389px; width: 620px;" title="Ambulances and police are seen at the blast site after an explosion in Istanbul's central Sultanahmet district. At least 10 people were killed and 15 wounded in a suicide bombing near tourists in central Istanbul's historic Sultanahmet district." /></div><div><div><p>At least 10 people are dead and more than a dozen wounded after an explosion struck a historic district in Istanbul on Tuesday morning. Civilians and tourists are among the victims from what officials say was a suicide blast in Sultanahmet Square, site of the famed Blue Mosque.</p></div></div></div><p>After the blast, speculation immediately began to fly over who might be responsible. Many fingers pointed at ISIS because of the apparent target &mdash; a historic cultural area that&#39;s popular with tourists.</p><p>Turkish President Reccep Tayyip Erdogan says police believe the explosion, which reportedly struck near where a 3,500-year-old Egyptian Obelisk of Theodosius stands, was the work of a suicide bomber with ties to Syria. Erdogan delivered a lengthy televised address in the wake of the attack.</p><p><strong>Update at 12:50 p.m. ET: At Least 8 Germans Killed</strong></p><p>Confirming and providing new detail about earlier reports, German Chancellor Angela Merkel says eight Germans are among the dead in Istanbul.</p><p>Both Merkel and German Foreign Minister Frank Walter Steinmeier spoke of the country&#39;s losses today, saying that in addition to those killed, nine German nationals were severely injured, reports NPR&#39;s Esme Nicholson.</p><p>&quot;International terror changes the places of its attacks but its goal is always the same &mdash; it is our free life in free society,&quot; Merkel said, according to the AP. &quot;The terrorists are the enemies of all free people, indeed, the enemies of all humanity, whether in Syria or Turkey, in France or Germany.&quot;</p><p><iframe frameborder="0" height="290" scrolling="no" src="http://www.npr.org/player/embed/462763104/462764870" title="NPR embedded audio player" width="100%"></iframe></p><p><strong>Update at 8:20 a.m. ET: Syrian National Is Identified</strong></p><p>Most of the people killed were foreigners, says Deputy Prime Minister Numan Kurtulmus, who also said police had identified the bomber as a 28-year-old Syrian national.</p><p><em>Our original post continues:</em></p><p>NPR&#39;s Peter Kenyon, who&#39;s based in Istanbul, says the blast was strong enough that he heard it from 3 miles away. Peter spoke to British photojournalist Johnny Green, who happened to be visiting the square at the time of the attack. Here&#39;s how Green described the scene:</p><blockquote><div><p><em>&quot;We&#39;d come out of the Blue Mosque and were just walking onto this boulevard. We were just in the corner, just out of sight. So we heard it, rather than saw. Then, people were just running in every direction. Some people were running towards the action, to help. And other people were just fleeing.... We were very much caught between a rock and a hard place.&quot;</em></p></div></blockquote><p>Tourists frequently visit the area of the blast, drawn by the green open space and a cluster of historic sites such as the Hagia Sophia and elements of the Hippodrome of Constantinople.</p><p>Reporting on the nationality of some of the victims,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/live-10-killed-at-least-15-wounded-in-explosion-in-istanbuls-sultanahmet.aspx?pageID=238&amp;nID=93736&amp;NewsCatID=341">Hurriyet Daily News&nbsp;</a>reports, &quot;Six German citizens, one Norwegian and one Peruvian were among the ... wounded people rushed to the Haseki Hospital, Doğan News Agency has reported.&quot;</p><p>The news outlet adds that in the mayhem that followed the attack, a police vehicle crashed and flipped on its side, its siren still blaring. Video from the scene shows a crowd of onlookers gathered to flip the vehicle back upright.</p><p>Tuesday&#39;s attack is the latest in a string of terrorist activity in Turkey. In October, some 100 people were killed in&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/10/10/447413438/at-least-30-killed-in-turkey-twin-blasts-at-peace-rally">a double bombing in Ankara</a>. In December, a blast at an Istanbul airport killed one person. And police said they&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/30/461467647/isis-new-year-s-eve-bombing-plot-foiled-in-turkey-officials-say">foiled another double bombing&nbsp;</a>in Ankara that was timed to strike on New Year&#39;s Eve.</p><p>&quot;Basically, folks here in Istanbul have been on edge for weeks,&quot; Peter says, &quot;wondering if something was going to blow up here.&quot;</p><p>This story will be updated.</p><p>&mdash; <a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/01/12/462763104/explosion-in-heart-of-istanbuls-tourist-area-kills-10?ft=nprml&amp;f=462763104" target="_blank"><em>via NPR</em></a></p></p> Tue, 12 Jan 2016 13:22:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/news/explosion-heart-istanbuls-tourist-area-kills-least-10-114452 UPDATE: 'Go Home,' Sheriff Tells Armed Men Who Took Over Federal Compound http://www.wbez.org/programs/takeaway/2016-01-05/update-go-home-sheriff-tells-armed-men-who-took-over-federal-compound <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/militia.jpg" alt="" /><p><p><img alt="" src="http://cdn1.pri.org/sites/default/files/styles/story_main/public/story/images/militia.jpg?itok=lgcrZCN1" style="height: 349px; width: 620px;" title="Militia members keep watch at the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge near Burns, Oregon, January 4, 2016. A group of self-styled militiamen occupied the headquarters of a U.S. wildlife refuge in eastern Oregon in a standoff with authorities, officials and local media reports said on Sunday, in the latest dispute over federal land use in the West. (Jim Urquhart/Reuters)" typeof="foaf:Image" /></p><div><p>Oregon authorities have two words for the armed men who took over federal buildings and land in rural Oregon: Go home.</p></div><p>In an afternoon news conference, Sheriff David Ward stressed that the reason the outside &quot;militia&quot; descended upon their community was already over: two ranchers had voluntarily turned themselves over to officials to begin serving a prison term for arson.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&quot;It&#39;s time for you to leave our community, go home to your families and leave this community peacefully,&quot; the Harney County sheriff said.</p><p>&quot;You said you were here to help the citizens of Harney County,&quot; the sheriff&nbsp;said. &quot;That help ended when that protest became an armed occupation.&quot;</p><p>The armed group, led by&nbsp;Ammon Bundy &mdash; the son of anti-government activist Cliven Bundy, who has his own standoff with government officials in 2014 &mdash; says it is protesting federal land use policies, including the&nbsp;arson conviction of two the ranchers in Harney County.&nbsp;</p><p>Bundy&#39;s group says it has dozens of armed men &mdash; more than 100 &mdash; and food to outlast a long siege. But journalists who have visited the site of the standoff,&nbsp;the headquarters building at the US Fish and Wildlife Service&#39;s Malheur National Wildlife Refuge, have reported seeing significantly fewer people, and just a small amount of supplies.</p><p>Still, local, state and federal law enforcement have taken a low-key approach to resolving the conflict, acknowledging it, saying they&#39;re monitoring the situation but not taking any overt actions to arrest or evict the militia.</p><p>For their part, the militia have vowed to resist any law enforcement intervention with force.</p><p>Amelia Templeton, a reporter for Oregon Public Broadcasting who has been to the refuge, said local residents are still trying to figure out what&#39;s going on &mdash; and form an opinion on who&#39;s in the right.</p><p>Templeton emphasized that this is a remote part of the state &mdash; and this particular wildlife refuge is often deserted at this time of year. Outside the refuge, there are a handful of ranches in any direction, but not much else.</p><p>&quot;Many people here relate to the concerns that Ammon Bundy has raised about things like federal overreach or the inability of ranchers or loggers to access federal lands in the way they did in the &#39;70s and &#39;80s,&quot; she explained. &quot;That said, I have heard from a lot of people, &#39;we don&#39;t think they&#39;re doing this the right way.&#39; Or, &#39;this isn&#39;t the way you go about these things.&#39;&quot;</p><p>&mdash; <em><a href="http://www.pri.org/stories/2016-01-04/oregon-armed-standoff-between-militia-and-federal-officials-over-federal-land-use" target="_blank">via The Takeaway</a></em></p></p> Tue, 05 Jan 2016 14:12:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/takeaway/2016-01-05/update-go-home-sheriff-tells-armed-men-who-took-over-federal-compound President Obama Holds End-of-Year Press Conference http://www.wbez.org/programs/here-and-now/2015-12-18/president-obama-holds-end-year-press-conference-114220 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/1218_obama-press-conference-624x416.jpg" alt="" /><p><div id="attachment_98225"><a href="http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.wbur.org/wordpress/11/files/2015/12/1218_obama-press-conference.jpg" title="U.S. President Barack Obama makes a statement on the climate agreement in the Cabinet Room of the White House on December 12, 2015 in Washington, DC. (Dennis Brack-Pool/Getty Images)"><img alt="U.S. President Barack Obama makes a statement on the climate agreement in the Cabinet Room of the White House on December 12, 2015 in Washington, DC. (Dennis Brack-Pool/Getty Images)" src="http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.wbur.org/wordpress/11/files/2015/12/1218_obama-press-conference-624x416.jpg" /></a><p>U.S. President Barack Obama makes a statement on the climate agreement in the Cabinet Room of the White House on December 12, 2015 in Washington, DC. (Dennis Brack-Pool/Getty Images)</p></div><p>Closing out a tumultuous year, President Barack Obama sought to lay the groundwork Friday for his last year in office by vowing not to fade in the background but instead use his remaining months to push longstanding goals to fruition.</p><p>&ldquo;In 2016, I&rsquo;m going to leave it all out on the field,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;Wherever there&rsquo;s an opportunity, I&rsquo;m going to take it.&rdquo;</p><p>In his annual year-end news conference, Obama portrayed 2015 as one of significant progress for his agenda, pointing to diplomacy with Iran and Cuba and an Asia-Pacific trade agreement as big wins for his administration. He also praised a Supreme Court ruling legalizing gay marriage and a congressional rewrite of the No Child Left Behind law as further victories for causes he&rsquo;s made central to his presidency.</p><p>Still, he said, he plans to do much more in 2016.</p><p>&ldquo;I said at the beginning of this year that interesting stuff happens in the fourth quarter &ndash; and we are only halfway through,&rdquo; Obama said.</p><p>Calling attention to his signature legislative achievement, Obama announced that 6 million people had signed up for health care so far this year under the Affordable Care Act, a surge that officials say illustrates the program&rsquo;s durability.</p><p>After the news conference, Obama was to depart for San Bernardino, California, where he planned to meet with families of the 14 victims of the recent mass shooting. He then will fly to Hawaii where he&rsquo;ll spend two weeks on vacation with his wife and daughters in what has become a family Christmas tradition.</p><p>Hours before his departure, Congress passed a major bipartisan budget package that staved off a potential government shutdown and extended tax cuts for both families and businesses. The White House has indicated Obama will sign it.</p><p>Obama said lawmakers had ended the year on a &ldquo;high note&rdquo; with additional legislation on transportation and education. He noted optimistically that by averting a funding crisis for the next nine months, Congress had cleared a path for cooperation with him next year on areas of common ground.</p><p>&ldquo;Congress and I have a long runway to get some things done for the American people,&rdquo; he said. He pointed to a potential criminal justice overhaul and congressional consideration of the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact as areas ripe for cooperation.</p><p>Obama took questions as he closed out a turbulent year marked by successes on restoring diplomatic relations with Cuba, clinching a nuclear deal with Iran and finalizing an unprecedented global climate treaty. Those successes have been tempered by a lack of progress on the president&rsquo;s other priorities, like closing the Guantanamo Bay detention center.</p><p>Obama said he&rsquo;d present a long-delayed plan to close the prison to Congress early next year, then wait for lawmakers&rsquo; reaction before determining whether to take action on his own to shut it. He predicted the prison population would dwindle by early next year to less than 100, a threshold his administration has been pushing for to bolster its argument that keeping the facility open isn&rsquo;t cost effective.</p><p>Amid widespread fears about terrorism and extremists, Obama pushed back against critics questioning his strategy for overcoming the Islamic State group in Iraq and Syria. &ldquo;There&rsquo;s only so much bombing you can do,&rdquo; he said, though he insisted anew, &ldquo;We will defeat ISIS.&rdquo;</p><p>He also affirmed his longstanding position that Syrian President Bashar Assad must leave power for Syria to resolve its civil war, even though his administration has recently said it could accept an unspecified transition period during which Assad stayed.</p><p>Still, Obama contended about Syria, &ldquo;Five years later, I was right.&rdquo;</p><p>The end of 2015 marks a major transition point for the president, who has one year left to try to finish as many of his projects as possible. He won&rsquo;t be rolling out sweeping new policy proposals that would be unlikely to get serious consideration amid the focus on electing his successor. The White House is promising Obama will deliver a &ldquo;non-traditional&rdquo; State of the Union address in January laying out an agenda that includes further executive steps on climate change and gun control.</p><p>Obama plans to return to the White House in early January to begin a final year in office that will be increasingly overshadowed by the 2016 presidential campaign. Predicting success for his party, Obama said he was confident Democrats would nominate a strong candidate to replace him.</p><p>&ldquo;I think I will have a Democratic successor,&rdquo; Obama said. &ldquo;And I will campaign very hard to make that happen.</p><p><em>The Associated Press contributed to this report.</em></p></p> Fri, 18 Dec 2015 15:15:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/here-and-now/2015-12-18/president-obama-holds-end-year-press-conference-114220 President Obama Holds End-of-Year Press Conference http://www.wbez.org/programs/here-and-now/2015-12-18/president-obama-holds-end-year-press-conference-114221 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/1218_obama-press-conference-624x416.jpg" alt="" /><p><div id="attachment_98225"><a href="http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.wbur.org/wordpress/11/files/2015/12/1218_obama-press-conference.jpg" title="U.S. President Barack Obama makes a statement on the climate agreement in the Cabinet Room of the White House on December 12, 2015 in Washington, DC. (Dennis Brack-Pool/Getty Images)"><img alt="U.S. President Barack Obama makes a statement on the climate agreement in the Cabinet Room of the White House on December 12, 2015 in Washington, DC. (Dennis Brack-Pool/Getty Images)" src="http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.wbur.org/wordpress/11/files/2015/12/1218_obama-press-conference-624x416.jpg" /></a><p>U.S. President Barack Obama makes a statement on the climate agreement in the Cabinet Room of the White House on December 12, 2015 in Washington, DC. (Dennis Brack-Pool/Getty Images)</p></div><p>Closing out a tumultuous year, President Barack Obama sought to lay the groundwork Friday for his last year in office by vowing not to fade in the background but instead use his remaining months to push longstanding goals to fruition.</p><p>&ldquo;In 2016, I&rsquo;m going to leave it all out on the field,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;Wherever there&rsquo;s an opportunity, I&rsquo;m going to take it.&rdquo;</p><p>In his annual year-end news conference, Obama portrayed 2015 as one of significant progress for his agenda, pointing to diplomacy with Iran and Cuba and an Asia-Pacific trade agreement as big wins for his administration. He also praised a Supreme Court ruling legalizing gay marriage and a congressional rewrite of the No Child Left Behind law as further victories for causes he&rsquo;s made central to his presidency.</p><p>Still, he said, he plans to do much more in 2016.</p><p>&ldquo;I said at the beginning of this year that interesting stuff happens in the fourth quarter &ndash; and we are only halfway through,&rdquo; Obama said.</p><p>Calling attention to his signature legislative achievement, Obama announced that 6 million people had signed up for health care so far this year under the Affordable Care Act, a surge that officials say illustrates the program&rsquo;s durability.</p><p>After the news conference, Obama was to depart for San Bernardino, California, where he planned to meet with families of the 14 victims of the recent mass shooting. He then will fly to Hawaii where he&rsquo;ll spend two weeks on vacation with his wife and daughters in what has become a family Christmas tradition.</p><p>Hours before his departure, Congress passed a major bipartisan budget package that staved off a potential government shutdown and extended tax cuts for both families and businesses. The White House has indicated Obama will sign it.</p><p>Obama said lawmakers had ended the year on a &ldquo;high note&rdquo; with additional legislation on transportation and education. He noted optimistically that by averting a funding crisis for the next nine months, Congress had cleared a path for cooperation with him next year on areas of common ground.</p><p>&ldquo;Congress and I have a long runway to get some things done for the American people,&rdquo; he said. He pointed to a potential criminal justice overhaul and congressional consideration of the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact as areas ripe for cooperation.</p><p>Obama took questions as he closed out a turbulent year marked by successes on restoring diplomatic relations with Cuba, clinching a nuclear deal with Iran and finalizing an unprecedented global climate treaty. Those successes have been tempered by a lack of progress on the president&rsquo;s other priorities, like closing the Guantanamo Bay detention center.</p><p>Obama said he&rsquo;d present a long-delayed plan to close the prison to Congress early next year, then wait for lawmakers&rsquo; reaction before determining whether to take action on his own to shut it. He predicted the prison population would dwindle by early next year to less than 100, a threshold his administration has been pushing for to bolster its argument that keeping the facility open isn&rsquo;t cost effective.</p><p>Amid widespread fears about terrorism and extremists, Obama pushed back against critics questioning his strategy for overcoming the Islamic State group in Iraq and Syria. &ldquo;There&rsquo;s only so much bombing you can do,&rdquo; he said, though he insisted anew, &ldquo;We will defeat ISIS.&rdquo;</p><p>He also affirmed his longstanding position that Syrian President Bashar Assad must leave power for Syria to resolve its civil war, even though his administration has recently said it could accept an unspecified transition period during which Assad stayed.</p><p>Still, Obama contended about Syria, &ldquo;Five years later, I was right.&rdquo;</p><p>The end of 2015 marks a major transition point for the president, who has one year left to try to finish as many of his projects as possible. He won&rsquo;t be rolling out sweeping new policy proposals that would be unlikely to get serious consideration amid the focus on electing his successor. The White House is promising Obama will deliver a &ldquo;non-traditional&rdquo; State of the Union address in January laying out an agenda that includes further executive steps on climate change and gun control.</p><p>Obama plans to return to the White House in early January to begin a final year in office that will be increasingly overshadowed by the 2016 presidential campaign. Predicting success for his party, Obama said he was confident Democrats would nominate a strong candidate to replace him.</p><p>&ldquo;I think I will have a Democratic successor,&rdquo; Obama said. &ldquo;And I will campaign very hard to make that happen.</p><p><em>The Associated Press contributed to this report.</em></p></p> Fri, 18 Dec 2015 15:15:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/here-and-now/2015-12-18/president-obama-holds-end-year-press-conference-114221 The first anniversary of the Peshawar bombings http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2015-12-16/first-anniversary-peshawar-bombings-114191 <p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/K.M.%20Chaudary.jpg" title="(Photo: Associated Press/K.M. Chaudary)" /></div><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/237899097&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_reposts=false&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><span style="font-size: 22px; background-color: rgb(255, 244, 244);">A year on from the Peshawar school bombings</span></p><div style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: 14px; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;">Schools across Pakistan were closed today because exactly one year ago, seven men affiliated with the militant group, Tehrik-i-Taliban, attacked the Army Public School in Peshawar, Pakistan. The terrorists entered the school and opened fire on staff and children. Media and government estimates on the number of dead differ, but at least 140 people were killed - including at least 130 schoolchildren. The children were between ages eight and eighteen. As a result of the attack, the Pakistani government lifted a six-year moratorium on the death penalty. Yesterday, Pakistan executed, by hanging, eight people convicted of murder. The deaths bring the total number of executions to 310 since Pakistan reinstated capital punishment. The UN, EU and human rights organizations have called on Pakistan to stop the hangings. We&rsquo;ll remember the school attack and discuss capital punishment in Pakistan with Faisal Niaz Tirmizi, consul general of Pakistan in Chicago.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong>Guest:&nbsp;</strong><em><span id="docs-internal-guid-eff53a2f-ad45-6c22-f264-8634c825077a">Faisal Niaz Tirmizi is the Consul General of Pakistan in Chicago.</span></em></p></div><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/237899786&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_reposts=false&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><span style="font-size: 22px; background-color: rgb(255, 244, 244);">GOP rivals trade barbs</span></p><div style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: 14px; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;">National security and U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East were a major focus during last night&rsquo;s final Republican debate. We&rsquo;ll take a deeper look at how each candidate would approach everything from the fight against ISIS to the war in Syria with Steve Clemons, the Washington editor-at-large of The Atlantic and editor-in-chief of Atlantic LIVE.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong>Guest:</strong>&nbsp;<em><span id="docs-internal-guid-eff53a2f-ad47-0bd9-461e-1edd66c44088"><a href="http://twitter.com/SCClemons">Steve Clemons</a> is the </span>Washington editor-at-large of <a href="http://twitter.com/TheAtlantic">The Atlantic</a> and editor-in-chief of <a href="http://twitter.com/AtlanticLIVE'">AtlanticLIVE</a>.</em></p></div><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/237900132&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_reposts=false&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><span style="font-size: 22px; background-color: rgb(255, 244, 244);">Tanzania&#39;s new leader</span></p><div style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: 14px; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;">New Tanzanian President John Magufuli is making some big waves. In a country where previous presidents have delighted in frivolous spending practices on personal perks, Magufuli is stopping the gravy train, going as far as to replace an expensive independence day celebration with a national day of service. Magufuli&rsquo;s first few weeks in office have inspired people in Tanzania and beyond, sparking a hashtag called &lsquo;What would Magufuli do?&rsquo;. Northern Illinois Professor Kurt Thurmaier leads a month-long study abroad course for graduate and undergraduate students in Tanzania every other year. He&rsquo;ll share some of the reactions he&rsquo;s received from his Tanzanian friends, and talk about some of the challenges facing President Magifuli.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong>Guest:<a href="http://twitter.com/Kurtthur">&nbsp;</a></strong><em><span id="docs-internal-guid-eff53a2f-ad48-d7b6-dbfd-eab351076f7e"><a href="http://twitter.com/Kurtthur">Kurt Thurmaier</a> is a professor and the Founding Director of the School of Public Administration at <a href="http://twitter.com/NIU_Live">Northern Illinois University</a>.</span></em></p></div><p>&nbsp;</p></p> Wed, 16 Dec 2015 18:02:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2015-12-16/first-anniversary-peshawar-bombings-114191 GOP candidates focus on terrorism in last debate of 2015 http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift/2015-12-16/gop-candidates-focus-terrorism-last-debate-2015-114184 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/gop debate ap John Locher.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>The Republican presidential candidates wrapped up their last debate of the year Tuesday night in Las Vegas. Morning Shift breaks down some of the key flashpoints in the verbal sparring and takes calls from Republican listeners on what they thought of the debate.</p></p> Wed, 16 Dec 2015 14:25:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift/2015-12-16/gop-candidates-focus-terrorism-last-debate-2015-114184 What Can — or Should — Internet Companies Do to Fight Terrorism? http://www.wbez.org/news/what-can-%E2%80%94-or-should-%E2%80%94-internet-companies-do-fight-terrorism-114171 <p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/gettyimages-134367529-edit-8f2bb46cd94d93e3c89cba58ed4cb233ede3a2fe.jpg" style="height: 464px; width: 620px;" title="After recent terrorist attacks, social media companies are under pressure to do more to stop messaging from terrorist groups. (Patrick George/Ikon Images/Getty Images)" /></div><p>After the recent attacks in Paris and in San Bernardino, Calif., social media platforms are under pressure from politicians to do more to take down messages and videos intended to promote terrorist groups and recruit members.</p><p>Lawmakers in Congress are considering&nbsp;<a href="https://www.congress.gov/114/bills/hr3654/BILLS-114hr3654ih.pdf" target="_blank">a bill that calls</a>&nbsp;on President Obama to come up with a strategy to combat the use of social media by terrorist groups. Another measure,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?a=files.serve&amp;File_id=9BDFE0CA-FB12-4BEB-B64D-DC9239D93070" target="_blank">proposed in the Senate</a>, would require Internet companies to report knowledge of terrorist activities to the government.</p><p>Obama himself&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/06/458714749/from-oval-office-president-obama-vows-u-s-will-destroy-isis" target="_blank">has urged tech leaders</a>&nbsp;to make it harder for terrorists &quot;to use technology to escape from justice,&quot; and Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton has recently said that social media companies can help by &quot;swiftly shutting down terrorist accounts, so they&#39;re not used to plan, provoke or celebrate violence.&quot;</p><p><em>The&nbsp;Wall Street Journal</em>&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-working-on-plan-to-scrutinize-social-media-in-visa-reviews-1450122633?mod=djemalertNEWS" target="_blank">is also reporting</a>, citing an unnamed source, that the Department of Homeland Security is working on a plan to study social media posts as part of the visa application process before certain people are allowed to enter the country.</p><p>The companies say they cooperate with law enforcement now, and the proposed legislation would do more harm than good.</p><p>Messages that threaten or promote terrorism already violate the usage rules of most social media platforms. Twitter, for instance, has teams around the world investigating reports of rule violations, and the company says it works with law enforcement entities when appropriate.</p><p>&quot;Violent threats and the promotion of terrorism deserve no place on Twitter and our rules make that clear,&quot; Twitter said in a statement.</p><p>A major challenge is that social networks rely on their users to flag inappropriate content, in part because of the sheer quantity that is posted. Every minute, hundreds of hours of video may be uploaded to YouTube and thousands of photos to Facebook, making timely response very challenging.</p><p>And with human perception in play, some videos can be harder to identify than others:</p><blockquote><p><em>&quot;There are videos of armed military-style training on YouTube, on Vimeo, on Facebook,&quot; says Nicole Wong, a former deputy chief technology officer in the Obama administration and executive at Twitter and Google. &quot;Some of the videos taken by our servicemen in Afghanistan look surprisingly similar to videos taken by the PKK, which is a designated terrorist organization in Turkey.&quot;</em></p></blockquote><p>So what if we automated the process? For instance, social media companies use sophisticated programs to help identify images of child pornography by comparing to a national database. But no such database exists for terrorist images.</p><p>And there&#39;s a bigger issue: What exactly constitutes terrorist content?</p><p>&quot;There&#39;s no responsible social media company that wants to be a part of promoting violent extremism,&quot; Wong says. To her, a major reason why private companies shouldn&#39;t police social media for terrorist content is that &quot;no one has come up with a sensible definition for what terrorist activity or terrorist content would be.&quot;</p><p>Efforts to legislate the problem run into similar criticism. For instance, the Senate bill that would require companies to report terrorist activity does not define terrorist activity, says Emma Llansó, director of the Free Expression Project at the Center for Democracy and Technology.</p><p>&quot;This kind of proposal creates a lot of risks for individual privacy and free expression,&quot; she says.</p><p>Critics say this could open the door for governments elsewhere to demand reports of postings that they may consider threatening.</p><p>It&#39;s somewhat similar to an ongoing debate about the ability of government investigators to get&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2015/11/16/456219061/after-paris-attacks-encrypted-communication-is-back-in-spotlight" target="_blank">access to encrypted communications</a>: If the U.S. government asked for backdoors into these secured conversations, what would stop China, Russia or any other country from demanding the same kind of access?</p><p>Cisco Systems&#39; new CEO Chuck Robbins spoke about this at a recent small breakfast, which included NPR&#39;s Aarti Shahani. He said the company&#39;s technologies don&#39;t and won&#39;t include backdoors and that ultimately, companies can&#39;t build their businesses around the swings of public sentiment related to terrorist attacks.</p><p>&quot;Our technology is commercially available. ... We are not providing any capabilities that aren&#39;t well documented and understood. And [we] also operate within the regulations that every government has placed on the technology arena,&quot; he said.</p><p>&quot;We&#39;re operating the way that the public would like for us to operate and we&#39;re operating within the construct of the regulatory environment that we live in.&quot;</p><p>&mdash; via NPR</p></p> Tue, 15 Dec 2015 11:53:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/news/what-can-%E2%80%94-or-should-%E2%80%94-internet-companies-do-fight-terrorism-114171 Being Muslim in America Today http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift/2015-12-15/being-muslim-america-today-114168 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/islam flickr Rudy Herman.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>After the Paris and San Bernardino terrorist attacks and at a time where some Republican presidential candidates have made strong anti-Islamic statements, what is it like to be a Muslim in America?</p><p>We talk with Ahmed Rehab, executive director of the Chicago officer of<a href="https://twitter.com/cairchicago"> CAIR, the Council on American-Islamic Relations.&nbsp;</a></p></p> Tue, 15 Dec 2015 11:00:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift/2015-12-15/being-muslim-america-today-114168