WBEZ | Immigration http://www.wbez.org/tags/immigration Latest from WBEZ Chicago Public Radio en Morning Shift: Wednesday, January 27, 2016 http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift/2016-01-28/morning-shift-wednesday-january-27-2016-114637 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/WBEZ LOGO_4.JPG" alt="" /><p><p>Immigration is an issue that comes up frequently on the campaign trail, more so among the Republican candidates than among the Democrats. Morning Shift wants to know: How does immigration affect your day-to-day life? And, Vocalo&rsquo;s Ayana Contreras highlights music from 1966, the year that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. came to Chicago to eradicate slums.&nbsp;</p></p> Wed, 27 Jan 2016 16:24:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift/2016-01-28/morning-shift-wednesday-january-27-2016-114637 Voter Anxiety: Does the Rest of the Country Look Like Me? http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift/2016-01-28/voter-anxiety-does-rest-country-look-me-114635 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/Imigration-Flickr-me_new_wintercoat.jpg" alt="" /><p><div>Immigration is an issue that comes up frequently on the campaign trail, more so among the Republican candidates than among the Democrats. We ask listeners how immigration affect their day-to-day lives.</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>We talk with Tuyet Le, executive director of Asian Americans Advancing Justice and Oscar A. Chacon, Executive Director-Alianza Americas about their work on immigration and what it&rsquo;s like to be an immigrant in today&rsquo;s political climate. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Our conversation continues on how the issue of immigration is being discussed on the campaign trail with Elise Foley, politics and immigration reporter for the Huffington Post.&nbsp;</div></p> Wed, 27 Jan 2016 12:24:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift/2016-01-28/voter-anxiety-does-rest-country-look-me-114635 Supreme Court to Review if Obama's Immigration Actions Were 'Faithfully Executed' http://www.wbez.org/programs/all-things-considered/2016-01-22/supreme-court-review-if-obamas-immigration-actions-were <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/168567545-1-_wide-4bf62ef434de738cb4c99f40fb96d674714ec802-s800-c85.jpg" alt="" /><p><div data-crop-type=""><img alt="A young immigration activist holds a sign reading &quot;It's in your hands Mr. President&quot; during a rally calling on President Obama to suspend deportations in 2013." src="http://media.npr.org/assets/img/2016/01/19/168567545-1-_wide-4bf62ef434de738cb4c99f40fb96d674714ec802-s800-c85.jpg" style="height: 348px; width: 620px;" title="A young immigration activist holds a sign reading &quot;It's in your hands Mr. President&quot; during a rally calling on President Obama to suspend deportations in 2013. (Joe Raedle/Getty Images)" /></div><div><div><p>The Supreme court has once again stepped into the fire of hot-button political issues. The court said Tuesday it would rule by summer on the legality of President Obama&#39;s executive action granting temporary legal status to as many as 4.5 million people who entered the U.S. illegally.</p></div></div><p>Fourteen months ago, Obama, frustrated by Congress&#39; inability to act on immigration reform,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2014/06/30/326998127/obama-says-he-will-use-executive-action-to-address-immigration-system" target="_blank">issued an order</a>&nbsp;expanding temporary legal status for some adults who entered the U.S. illegally.</p><p>The new order granted temporary legal status and work permits to illegal adult immigrants who had been in the U.S. for five years and who have children who are American citizens or lawful permanent residents. In addition, applicants had to register, pass a criminal background check, and prove they had paid their taxes. If they met all these criteria, they would be granted legal status and temporary work permits for three years.</p><p>The president said this change in immigration regulations would allow people to &quot;come out of the shadows and get right with the law.&quot;</p><p>The president&#39;s action followed a similar temporary reprieve from deportation that he issued in 2012 for children age 15 and under brought to the U.S. illegally. Court challenges to that order failed.</p><p>Although many Republicans objected to the 2012 action for children, opposition was relatively muted. The most recent temporary reprieve for adults, however, infuriated the GOP.</p><p>Republicans blasted the president&#39;s action as &quot;lawless,&quot; and a coalition of 26 states led by Texas challenged the executive action in court, contending that the president had exceeded his authority.</p><p>A year ago a federal judge blocked implementation of the new regime and a federal appeals court panel, by a 2-1 vote subsequently upheld the injunction on broader grounds. The Obama administration then asked the Supreme Court to review the case, and on Tuesday the justices said they would hear arguments in April, with a decision expected by late June.</p><p>If the court had refused to hear the case, the appeals court ruling would have stood, and the president&#39;s program would have been dead in the water.</p><p>But there is no assurance of how the court will rule. Indeed, the justices broadened the scope of the case, asking the two sides to address an additional, and fundamental question: whether the president&#39;s action violates the Constitution&#39;s requirement that the president &quot;shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed.&quot;</p><p>The addition of that question is seen as &quot;a good omen&quot; by many conservatives, like Jay Sekulow of the American Center for Law and Justice. &quot;I think the adding of that question ... helps those of us that are concerned that the president overreached here,&quot; Sekulow said.</p><p>He is filing a brief opposing the president&#39;s action on behalf of 88 congressmen and 25 senators, including the two Texas senators, Ted Cruz and John Cornyn. Dozens of other groups, on both sides, are expected to weigh in.</p><p>Marielena Hincapié, of the National Immigration Law Center notes, for instance, that President Obama&#39;s immigration action is similar to those &quot;used by every administration, both Republican and Democrat, since President Eisenhower.</p><p>Duquesne Law School Dean Kenneth Gormley, author of a new history of presidential power, observes that &quot;There have been battles over these issues dating back to George Washington.&quot; In this case, he views the states&#39; case as &quot;particularly weak&quot; because in general the Constitution leaves questions of immigration and naturalization to the federal government so that the nation has a uniform system.</p><p>Gormley sees &quot;the real battle lines&quot; in the case as &quot;between President Obama and Congress&quot; and the critical question as whether the President exceeded his power under congressional enacted statutes.</p><p>For those charged with carrying out immigration laws &mdash; many of which are in fact presidential actions &mdash; the critical question may be the first one presented in the case: whether Texas has the legal standing to sue in the first place.</p><p>In order to have such standing, a state has to show that it would be injured in a concrete way if the president&#39;s action were to be carried out. Texas asserts, and the appeals court agreed, that it would be injured because it would have to spend millions of dollars to provide drivers&#39; licenses for immigrants with temporary legal status as a result of the federal program.</p><p>The Obama administration counters that there is no requirement that Texas provide licenses at a financial loss and that the state is free to charge the full cost of the license.</p><p>It may seem like nitpicking to some, but Stephen Legomsky, a former top immigration official, says that if any state can challenge an executive action on immigration, &quot;the result would be that practically any favorable decision by the federal government on an immigration matter would give rise to lengthy lawsuits.&quot; That, he said, would be &quot;a recipe for a government paralysis.&quot;</p><p>The addition of the U.S. v. Texas case to the Supreme Court docket this term means that just as the two political parties are about to choose their presidential nominees, the High Court will be deciding cases involving race and affirmative action, abortion, birth control, and now, immigration.</p><p><a href="http://www.npr.org/2016/01/19/463622789/supreme-court-agrees-to-review-obama-executive-actions-on-immigration?ft=nprml&amp;f=463622789" target="_blank"><em>&mdash; via NPR</em></a></p></p> Fri, 22 Jan 2016 17:01:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/all-things-considered/2016-01-22/supreme-court-review-if-obamas-immigration-actions-were Deportations, Rumors Stir Fear Among Immigrants http://www.wbez.org/programs/all-things-considered/2016-01-19/deportations-rumors-stir-fear-among-immigrants-114509 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/gettyimages-492659230-b3fbafed7db5cf1ad629ea95ca775828e77f687b-s1600-c85.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>Late last year, it was revealed that the Department of Homeland Security was&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/24/460925279/u-s-planning-operation-to-deport-central-american-families">going to step up</a>&nbsp;pursuit of people with deportation orders. Arrests took place the first weekend of January; DHS&nbsp;<a href="http://www.dhs.gov/news/2016/01/04/statement-secretary-jeh-c-johnson-southwest-border-securityhttp://www.dhs.gov/news/2016/01/04/statement-secretary-jeh-c-johnson-southwest-border-security">has confirmed</a>&nbsp;that 121 people were detained in those operations.</p><p>That may not sound like much compared to the estimated more than 11 million people living in the U.S. illegally. But the actions sent a chill through the immigrant community&#39;s spine and started the rumor mill churning.</p><p>One of those communities is Langley Park, Md., a hub for Central American immigrants. That&#39;s where I met up with Giovanni, at the parking lot of a fast food joint. There, he shows me pictures of his two sons, both U.S. citizens.</p><p>He says there&#39;s a conversation he&#39;s been having more frequently with his sister &mdash; a conversation about what he calls &quot;Plan B.&quot;</p><p>&quot;I have a little money saved,&quot; he&#39;s told her. &quot;The day I&#39;m no longer here or something happens to me, I want you to give it to them.&quot;</p><p>Giovanni &mdash; who also goes by &quot;Chocolate,&quot; a nickname he got back in Honduras &mdash; jokes that if he gets caught by immigration authorities, he might try to pass for African-American. He worries a lot more about getting picked up than he used to. He says he&#39;s constantly keeping his ear to the ground.</p><p>It started the weekend of Jan. 2, when DHS stepped up enforcement nationwide. Giovanni&#39;s phone started blowing up with calls from worried friends.</p><p>&quot;&#39;Don&#39;t come to Langley Park,&#39;&quot; he says they warned him. &quot;&#39;They&#39;re stopping people. They just have to see you looking Hispanic, and they&#39;ll catch you and send you back.&#39;&quot;</p><p>DHS declined to be interviewed by NPR. In official statements, the agency says most of the arrests took place in Georgia, Texas and North Carolina. There haven&#39;t been any confirmed arrests in Maryland. Still, a blanket of anxiety has fallen over this community.</p><p>&quot;Obviously there is fear all over,&quot; says George Escobar, one of the leaders at&nbsp;<a href="http://wearecasa.org/">CASA of Maryland</a>, an immigrant advocacy organization.</p><p>On Jan. 1, the organization set up a hotline to field people&#39;s concerns about immigration enforcement. He says CASA received as many as 150 calls a day at first. Many of those callers claimed they saw DHS officers in the area, and &quot;immigration officials knocking on people&#39;s doors, entering into their buildings, immigration vehicles parked in very public spaces in the middle of the day.&quot;</p><div id="res463410463"><aside aria-label="pullquote" role="complementary"><div><p>Obviously, there is fear all over.</p></div><p>George Escobar, senior director of health and human services for CASA of Maryland</p></aside></div><p>On the local Spanish-language radio station, El Zol, host Pedro Biaggi asks what&#39;s on everyone&#39;s mind: &quot;If the cops suspect someone with a deportation order is in the house, they can just come in, right?&quot;</p><p>&quot;No,&quot; responds a CASA executive who is a guest on the program. In this country, he explains, authorities need a warrant.</p><p>Giovanni has heard all this. He knows he is not a high priority for DHS deportations. DHS is looking for recent arrivals, criminals and people with deportation orders. Giovanni doesn&#39;t fall into any of those categories.</p><p>&quot;It&#39;s still scary,&quot; he says. &quot;Because I&#39;ve heard of people getting picked up in Langley Park and taken. I&#39;ve never seen an immigration police car or an immigration official. I&#39;ve seen it on TV, but never live. I haven&#39;t had the pleasure.&quot;</p><p>The deportations shouldn&#39;t be surprising,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.dhs.gov/news/2016/01/04/statement-secretary-jeh-c-johnson-southwest-border-security">said DHS secretary Jeh Johnson</a>.</p><p>&quot;I have said publicly for months that individuals who constitute enforcement priorities, including families and unaccompanied children, will be removed,&quot; he said. But those &quot;priorities&quot; will focus on &quot;convicted criminals and threats to public safety.&quot;</p><p>For many people like Giovanni, even if he is a low priority, the fear is still real.</p><p>&mdash;<a href="http://www.npr.org/2016/01/17/463400563/as-deportations-ramp-up-rumors-stir-fear-among-immigrants?ft=nprml&amp;f=463400563" target="_blank"><em> via NPR</em></a></p></p> Tue, 19 Jan 2016 10:55:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/all-things-considered/2016-01-19/deportations-rumors-stir-fear-among-immigrants-114509 Supreme Court Agrees to Hear Case on Obama's Immigration Actions http://www.wbez.org/news/supreme-court-agrees-hear-case-obamas-immigration-actions-114508 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/obamaimmigration.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>The Supreme Court of the United States&nbsp;<a href="http://www.supremecourt.gov/orders/courtorders/011916zor_l5gm.pdf">has decided to review</a>&nbsp;a challenge to President Obama&#39;s executive actions on immigration. As we&#39;ve reported, back in November of 2014,<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2014/11/20/365519963/obama-will-announce-relief-for-up-to-5-million-immigrants">&nbsp;Obama announced plans to shield up to 5 million undocumented immigrants</a>&nbsp;from deportation. Even before his plans got off the ground, lower courts put them on hold.</p><p>And late last year, a federal appeals court in New Orleans&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/11/10/455438464/appeals-court-deals-blow-to-obamas-immigration-plan">dealt the Obama administration a big blow</a>, deciding that the president had overstepped his legal authority when he issued the executive orders.</p><p>Now, the appeals process will bring it before the Supreme Court, which will have final say on the constitutionality of his action.</p><p>Under the plan, undocumented parents of U.S. citizens and permanent residents would be allowed to remain here and receive a work permit. Obama also wanted to extend that protection to more immigrants who were brought here as children.</p><p>Obama said that he could take all of those actions under the guise of prosecutorial discretion, which gives the administration the power to decide which immigrants it wants to deport.</p><p>Here&#39;s&nbsp;<a href="http://www.scotusblog.com/2016/01/immigration-policy-review-and-decision-this-term/#more-237381">how SCOTUSblog explains the legal questions</a>&nbsp;in the case:</p><blockquote><div><p>&quot;A rather unusual aspect of the case was that, although the lower courts had not decided a constitutional question the states had raised, the Justices added that question on their own. It is whether the policy violates the constitutional clause that requires the president to &#39;take care&#39; that the laws passed by Congress are faithfully executed. It is rare for the Court to take up an issue that was left undecided in lower courts.</p><p>&quot;The question no doubt was added to assure that all aspects of the states&#39; challenge be reviewed together. In addition to that issue, the case involves whether the states had a legal right to sue, or are barred from doing so under Article III; whether the policy is &#39;arbitrary&#39; and beyond the president&#39;s powers over immigration policy, and whether it is illegal because the government did not seek public reaction to it before adopting it as policy.&quot;</p></div></blockquote><p>The case &mdash;&nbsp;United States v. Texas &mdash;&nbsp;will be argued in April and we can expect a ruling by June. In other words, the Court will release a ruling on a hotly debated issue just as the 2016 presidential election enters its primetime.</p><p>&mdash;<a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/01/19/463577862/supreme-court-agrees-to-hear-case-on-obama-s-immigration-actions?ft=nprml&amp;f=463577862" target="_blank"><em> via NPR</em></a></p></p> Tue, 19 Jan 2016 10:37:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/news/supreme-court-agrees-hear-case-obamas-immigration-actions-114508 Anger in America Has a Long History http://www.wbez.org/programs/here-and-now/2016-01-14/anger-america-has-long-history-114473 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/ANGER-Douglas GrundyThree LionsGetty Images.jpg" alt="" /><p><div id="attachment_99592"><img alt="In this image, people faint and cause disorder in a courtroom during the 1692 trial of suspected witch, George Jacobs. (Douglas Grundy/Three Lions/Getty Images)" src="http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.wbur.org/wordpress/11/files/2016/01/0111_witch-trial-624x458.jpg" style="height: 455px; width: 620px;" title="In this image, people faint and cause disorder in a courtroom during the 1692 trial of suspected witch, George Jacobs. (Douglas Grundy/Three Lions/Getty Images)" /><p>Amid the heated political rhetoric of 2016, the author of a book about the Salem witch trials of the 17th-century says hatred of the so-called &ldquo;other&rdquo; dates back to the Puritans.&nbsp;</p><p><a href="http://www.amazon.com/The-Witches-Salem-Stacy-Schiff/dp/0316200603?tag=wburorg-20" target="_blank">The Witches: Salem 1692</a>.&rdquo;<a name="excerpt" style="color: rgb(44, 149, 199); outline: none; transition: opacity 0.3s ease 0s;"></a></p></div><p><em><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/12/20/opinion/sunday/anger-an-american-history.html" target="_blank">Read Stacy Schiff&rsquo;s New York Times op-ed &ldquo;Anger: An American History&rdquo;</a></em></p><p>&nbsp;</p><hr /><p><strong><span style="font-size:18px;">Book Excerpt: &lsquo;The Witches: Salem, 1692&rsquo; By Stacy Schiff</span></strong></p><p style="text-align: center;"><strong>The Diseases of Astonishment</strong></p><blockquote><p><em>We&nbsp;will declare frankly that nothing is clear&nbsp;in this world. Only fools and charlatans know and understand everything.</em></p><p>&mdash;&nbsp;Anton Chekhov</p><p>&nbsp;</p></blockquote><p>In 1692 the Massachusetts Bay Colony executed fourteen women, five men, and two dogs for witchcraft. The sorcery materialized in January. The first hanging took place in June, the last in September; a stark, stunned silence followed. What discomfited those who survived the ordeal was not the cunning practice of witchcraft but the clumsy administration of justice. Innocents indeed appeared to have hanged. But guilty parties had escaped. There was no vow never to forget; consigning nine months to oblivion seemed a more appropriate response. It worked, for a generation. We have been conjuring with Salem &mdash; our national nightmare, the undercooked, overripe tabloid episode, the dystopian chapter in our past &mdash; ever since. It crackles, flickers, and jolts its way through American history and literature.</p><p>No one burned at the stake. No midwives died. The voodoo arrived later, with a nineteenth‑century historian; the half‑black slave with Longfellow; the casting of spells in the forest with Arthur Miller. (A movie delivered the chicken blood and the boiling cauldron.) Erudition&nbsp;plays a greater role in the story than ignorance. It is however true that fifty‑five people confessed to witchcraft. A minister was hanged. And while we will never know the exact number of those formally charged with having &ldquo;wickedly, maliciously, and feloniously&rdquo; engaged in sorcery, somewhere between 144 and 185 witches and wizards were named in twenty‑five villages and towns before the crisis passed. Reports had it that more than seven hundred witches flew about Massachusetts. So many stood accused that witnesses confused their witches. Even a careful chronicler afterward sent the wrong woman flying through the air on a singularly inauspicious flight.</p><p>The youngest of the witches was five, the eldest nearly eighty. A daughter accused her mother, who in turn accused her mother, who accused a neighbor and a minister. A wife and daughter denounced their husband and father. Husbands implicated wives; nephews their aunts; sons‑in‑law their mothers‑in‑law; siblings each other. Only fathers and sons weathered the crisis unscathed. A woman who traveled to Salem to clear her name wound up shackled before the afternoon was out. In Andover &mdash; the community most severely affected &mdash; one of every fifteen people was accused. The town&rsquo;s senior minister discovered he was related to no fewer than twenty witches. Ghosts escaped their graves to flit in and out of the courtroom, unnerving more than did the witches themselves. Through the episode surge several questions that touch the third rail of our fears: Who was conspiring against you? Might you be a witch and not know it? Can an innocent person be guilty? Could anyone, wondered a group of men late in the summer, think himself safe?</p><p><img alt="Cover of &quot;The Witches&quot; by Stacy Schiff" src="http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.wbur.org/wordpress/11/files/2016/01/0111_the-witches-198x300.jpg" style="height: 303px; width: 200px; float: right; margin-left: 10px; margin-right: 10px;" /></p><p>How did the idealistic Bay Colony arrive &mdash; three generations after its founding &mdash; in such a dark place? Nearly as many theories have been advanced to explain the Salem witch trials as the Kennedy assassination. Our first true‑crime story has been attributed to generational, sexual, economic, ecclesiastical, and class tensions; regional hostilities imported from England; food poisoning; a hothouse religion in a cold climate; teenage hysteria; fraud, taxes, conspiracy; political instability; trauma&nbsp;induced by Indian attacks; and to witchcraft itself, among the more reasonable theories.</p><p>America&rsquo;s tiny reign of terror, Salem represents one of the rare moments in our enlightened past when the candles are knocked out and everyone seems to be groping about in the dark, the place where all good stories begin. Easy to caricature &mdash; it is the only tragedy that has acquired its own annual, unrelated holiday &mdash; it is more difficult to comprehend. The irresistible locked‑room mystery of the matter is what keeps us coming back to it. In three hundred years, we have not adequately penetrated nine months of Massachusetts history. If we knew more about Salem, we might attend to it less, a conundrum that touches on something of what propelled the witch panic in the first place. Things disturb us in the night. Sometimes they are our consciences. Sometimes they are our secrets. Sometimes they are our fears, translated from one idiom to another. Often what pinches and pricks, gnaws, claws, stabs, and suffocates, like a seventeenth‑century witch, is the irritatingly unsolved puzzle in the next room.</p><p>The population of New England in 1692 would fit into Yankee Stadium&nbsp;today. Nearly to a person, they were Puritans. Having suffered for their faith, those families had sailed to North America to worship &ldquo;with more purity and less peril than they could do in the country where they were,&rdquo; as a minister at the heart of the crisis put it. They believed the Reformation incomplete, the Church of England insufficiently pure. They intended in North America to complete the task. On a providential mission, they hoped to begin history anew; they had the advantage of building a civilization &mdash; a &ldquo;New English Israel,&rdquo; as one clergyman termed it in</p><p>1689 &mdash; from scratch. Nonconforming Protestants, they were double dissenters, twice in revolt. That did not make them popular people. They tended toward fissions and factions, strong opinions, righteous indignation. Like any oppressed people, they defined themselves by what offended them, which would give New England its gritty flavor and, it has been argued, America its independence. Rigorous Calvinists, they had come a great distance to worship as they pleased; they were intolerant of those who did so differently. They were ardent, anxious, unbashful, incurably logical, not quite Americans, of as homogeneous a culture as has ever existed on this continent.</p><p>A visitor exaggerated when he reported that New Englanders could &ldquo;neither drive a bargain, nor make a jest, without a text of Scripture at the end on it,&rdquo; but he was not far off. If there was a book in the house &mdash; as almost inevitably there was &mdash; it was the Bible. The early modern American thought, breathed, dreamed, disciplined, bartered, and hallucinated in biblical texts and imagery. Witchcraft judge Samuel Sewall would court an attractive widow with published sermons; she held him off with the Apostle Paul.</p><p>The New World constituted a plagiarism of the old with a few crucial differences. Stretching from Martha&rsquo;s Vineyard to Nova Scotia and incorporating parts of present‑day Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Maine, the Bible commonwealth perched on the edge of a wilderness. From the start it tangled with another American staple: the devilish savage, the swarthy terrorist in the backyard. Even the colony&rsquo;s less isolated outposts felt their fragility. A tempest blew the roof off one of the finest houses in Salem as its ten occupants slept. A church went flying with its congregation inside. The early American lived not only on a frontier but in many ways out of time. A foreign monarch could be dead one minute and alive the next, so unreliable was the news. The residents of Massachusetts Bay did not always know who sat on the throne to which they owed allegiance. In 1692 they did not know the terms of their government. They had endured without one for three years; finalized at the end of 1691, a new charter was only just sailing their way. For three months of the year they could not be certain what year they were living in. Because the pope approved the Gregorian calendar, New England rejected it, stubbornly continuing to date the start of the new year to March 25. (When witches assaulted their first victims in Salem village, it was 1691 in North America, 1692 in Europe.)</p><p>In isolated settlements, in dim, smoky, firelit homes, New Englanders lived very much in the dark, where one listens more acutely, feels most passionately, imagines most vividly, where the sacred and the occult thrive. Their fears and fancies differed little from ours, even if the early&nbsp;American witch had as much in common with our pointy‑hatted crone as Somali pirates do with Captain Hook. Their dark, however, was a very different dark. The sky over New England was crow black, pitch‑black, Bible black, so black it could be difficult at night to keep to the path, so black that a line of trees might freely migrate to another location or that you might find yourself pursued after nightfall by a rabid black hog, leaving you to crawl home, bloody and disoriented, on all fours. Indeed eyeglasses were rare in seventeenth‑century Massachusetts. Hard cider was the drink of choice. Still, the thoughtful, devout, literate New Englander could, in the Salem courtroom, at times sound as if he were on a lowgrade acid trip.</p><p>In all of New England, it would have been difficult to find more than a few souls to whom the supernatural was not eminently real, part and parcel of the culture, as was the devil himself. Most had a story to tell you, as many of us do today. We have all observed the occult in action, even if we do not quite subscribe to it. A year after the witchcraft crisis had passed, Cotton Mather, among the best‑read men in America, visited Salem. He lost his sermon notes, which turned up a month later, scattered through the streets of a neighboring town. He concluded that diabolical agents had stolen them. One no more doubted the reality of sorcery than the literal truth of the Bible; to do so was to question the sun shining at noon. Faith aside, witchcraft served an eminently useful purpose. The aggravating, the confounding, the humiliating all dissolved in its cauldron. It made sense of the unfortunate and the eerie, the sick child and the rancid butter along with the killer cat. What else, shrugged one husband, could have caused the black and blue marks on his wife&rsquo;s arm?</p><p>For some of the things that plagued the seventeenth‑century New Englander we have modern‑day explanations. For others we do not. We have believed in any number of things &mdash; the tooth fairy, cold fusion, the benefits of smoking, the free lunch &mdash; that turn out not to exist. We all subscribe to preposterous beliefs; we just don&rsquo;t know yet which ones&nbsp;they are. We too have been known to prefer plot to truth; to deny the evidence before us in favor of the ideas behind us; to do insane things in the name of reason; to take that satisfying step from the righteous to the self‑righteous; to drown our private guilts in a public well; to indulge in a little delusion. We have all believed that someone had nothing better to do than spend his day plotting against us. The seventeenth‑century world appeared full of inexplicables, not unlike the automated, mindreading, algorithmically enhanced modern one.</p><p>Though we tend not to conclude that specters have stolen our notes, we live with &mdash; and continue to relish &mdash; perplexity every day. We love to hear that when the flash of lightning struck the man at prayer, it carried away the book of Revelation but left the rest of the Bible intact. Even those of us who do not occupy the Puritans&rsquo; high spiritual plane are susceptible to what Mather termed the &ldquo;diseases of astonishment.&rdquo; Our appetite for the miraculous endures; we continue to want there to be something just beyond our ken. We hope to locate the secret powers we didn&rsquo;t know we had, like the ruby slippers Dorothy finds on her feet and that Glinda has to tell her how to work. Where women are concerned, it is preferable that those powers manifest only when crisis strikes; the best heroine is the accidental one. Before and after the trials, New England feasted on sensational tales of female daring, the prowess its women displayed under Indian assault. Those captivity narratives provided something of a template for witchcraft. Everyone has a captivity narrative; today we call it memoir. Sometimes too we turn out to be captives of our ideas. Salem is in part the story of what happens when a set of unanswerable questions meets a set of unquestioned answers.</p><p>Rich in shape‑shifting humans, fantastical flights, rash wishes, beleaguered servants, evil stepmothers, bewitched hay, and enchanted apples, the crisis in Salem resembles another seventeenth‑century genre as well: the fairy tale. It took place in the wilderness, the address to which the hunter transports you when instructed to cut out your lungs and liver, where wolves follow you home. Salem touches on what is unreal but by&nbsp;no means untrue; at its heart are unfulfilled wishes and unexpressed anxieties, rippling sexual undercurrents and raw terror. It unspools in that fertile, dreamlike expanse between the uncanny and the absurd. There had been New England witch trials before, but none precipitated by a cohort of bewitched adolescent and preadolescent girls. Also like a fairy tale, Salem is a story in which women &mdash; strong‑minded women and trembling, subservient women, upright matrons and wayward teenagers &mdash; play decisive roles. It includes a tacit salute to unsettling female power in the sheer number of women accused. A group of young, disenfranchised girls unleashed the crisis, displaying forces no one could contain and that disturb still today. Which may or may not have something to do with why we have turned a story of women in peril into one about perilous women.</p><p>Women play the villains in fairy tales &mdash; what are you saying when you place the very emblem of lowly domestic duty between your legs and ride off, defying the bounds of community and laws of gravity? &mdash; but those tales are as well the province of youth. Salem is bound up on every level with adolescence, that immoderate age when, vulnerable and invincible, we skip blithely along the border between the rational and the irrational, when interest surges both in the spiritual and the supernatural. The crisis began with two prepubescent girls and came quickly to involve a group of teenagers, understood to be enchanted by individuals most of them had never met. The girls hailed from a village clamoring for its autonomy and from a colony itself in the throes of a painful adolescence. For years the Crown had attempted to impose royal authorities on New England, the most recent of which the leading citizens of Massachusetts &mdash; including nearly all the future witchcraft judges &mdash; had overthrown. They had every reason to demand English protection against marauding Indians and designing Frenchmen. But while bemoaning their vulnerability &mdash; they were an &ldquo;orphan plantation&rdquo; &mdash; the settlers simultaneously resented oversight. They braced from the start for interference, vowing to reject it when it came and finding themselves humiliated when it did. The relationship with the mother country&nbsp;had devolved into a running quarrel; for some time the people who were meant to protect the colonists seemed rather as if they persecuted them. (By contrast, London found New Englanders to be of &ldquo;peevish and touchy humor.&rdquo;) The Massachusetts authorities suffered too from another anxiety that would play a role in 1692. Every time they looked back in admiration at the men who had founded their godly commonwealth, every time they lauded that greatest of generations, they grew just a little bit smaller themselves.</p><p>Historical truths emerge only with time. With Salem they have crept out haltingly at best and with some deformation. Avid record keepers, Puritans did not like for things to go forgotten. Yet mid‑1692 is a period when, if you take the extant archives at face value, no one in Massachusetts kept a regular diary, including even the most fanatical of diarists. Reverend Samuel Willard&rsquo;s&nbsp;</p><p>No trace of a single session of the witchcraft court survives. We have accounts of the trials but no records; we are left with preparatory papers &mdash; depositions, indictments, confessions, petitions &mdash; and two death warrants. The Salem village record book has been expunged. No newspaper yet circulated in a North American colony. While the bewitched commanded a rapt audience for much of a year, their voices are lost to us. Their words come to us exclusively from men who were far from thorough, seldom impartial, and not always transcribing in the room in which they heard those statements. They mangle and strangle the voices of the accused; they are equally inattentive to the accusers, not all of whose statements they committed to paper. We have few full transcripts of preliminary hearings. The testimony came too fast; the pandemonium in the courtroom made it impossible to hear. It is difficult to say with any certainty whose lines are whose. The recorders quickly gave up on faithful transcribing, summarizing instead, adding flavor as they went. One simply noted that a defendant adopted &ldquo;a very wicked, spiteful manner.&rdquo; Another interrupted his work to call the suspect a liar. After a certain date, the keepers of the accounts did not dwell on denials, understood to crumble soon enough into confessions. Which poses another problem: The testimony is sworn, on oath. It is also full of tall tales, unless you happen to believe &mdash; as one woman confessed, having vowed to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth &mdash; that she flew on a stick with her church deacon and two others to a satanic baptism, and that she had, the previous Monday, carried her minister&rsquo;s specter through the air along with her, having earlier conferred in her orchard with a satanic cat. Over one hundred reporters took down testimony. Few were trained to do so. They were maddeningly inconsistent. Even when they recorded an answer, they did not always bother to note the question, although it is fairly easy to extrapolate what that was when a nineteen‑year‑old standing before three of the most imposing men she would meet in her lifetime cried, &ldquo;I will tell! I will tell!&rdquo; &mdash; and proceeded to confess to witchcraft.</p><p>Accusers confused suspects; later chroniclers conflated them further. Several had the same name. In many cases all we can glimpse of an individual is what emerged under withering interrogation as transcribed by court reporters antipathetic to her and who in some cases testified against her. We know little about most of them except that they were accused of witchcraft or confessed to it. They are like fairy‑tale figures too in that we recognize them by a sole detail &mdash; a quirk of dress, a turn of phrase, an inner tremor. This leaves us to make much of a single characteristic: Mary Warren was fair‑faced. Abigail Hobbs was shameless. George Jacobs had a rollicking sense of humor; Samuel Parris had none. What do we want those implicated in the trials to tell us? What were they thinking when they confessed to flying through the air or smothering the neighbor; deposing a perfectly lucid woman who insisted she knew nothing of witchcraft; sharing a cell with a convicted wizard; standing at the gallows as the man they accused of sorcery insisted, with his last breath, on his innocence? Where was the devil in Salem and what was he really up to? How did those who withstood the vicious accusations find the strength to do so? All went to their graves believing still in witches. At what point did it occur to them that though the sorcery might be real, the trials were a sham? Theirs is a little story that becomes a big one, much more than our national campfire story, the gothic, genre releasing crack‑up on the way to the Constitution. The witch hunt stands as a cobwebbed, crowd‑sourced cautionary tale, a reminder that &mdash; as a minister at odds with the crisis noted &mdash; extreme right can blunder into extreme wrong.</p><p>There is a very great deal we cannot know: How did two people who had accused each other of witchcraft fare together for months on end in a tiny cell? What if they were mother and daughter? How did a ghost differ from an apparition? Which terror was worse, that the next knock would be at your door, that the witchcraft would skid next into your home, or that the man you were sentencing to hang might not be a wizard after all? We go back to their words again and again to wring answers from&nbsp;parched Puritan prose and pursed Puritan lips, to unlock the meaning of an episode that originated in allegory and that burst &mdash; an electrifying pop‑up book &mdash; into incandescent history, only to settle back into allegory. A prayer, a spell, a book; the hope is the same: if we can just fix the words in the right order, the horizon will brighten, our vision improve, and &mdash; uncertainty relaxing its hold &mdash; all will fall wondrously into place.</p><blockquote><p>1: to prepare his seventeen-year-old for a suitor, Sewall read her the story of adam and eve. it proved less soothing than expected; she hid from her caller in the stable.</p><p>2: most accomplish only part of the job. as a proponent of the witchcraft theory conceded: &ldquo;there are departments in twentieth-century american universities with as long and as vicious a history of factional hatreds as any to be found in Salem, and the parties to these hatreds accuse each other of all sorts of absurdities, but witchcraft is not one of them.&rdquo;</p><p>&nbsp;</p></blockquote><p><em>Excerpted from the book THE WITCHES by Stacy Schiff. Copyright &copy; 2015 by Stacy Schiff. Reprinted with permission of Little, Brown and Company.</em></p><p><a href="http://hereandnow.wbur.org/2016/01/11/history-anger-in-america" target="_blank"><em>&mdash; via Here &amp; Now</em></a></p></p> Thu, 14 Jan 2016 08:40:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/here-and-now/2016-01-14/anger-america-has-long-history-114473 Eight Things Congress Actually Did This Year http://www.wbez.org/news/eight-things-congress-actually-did-year-114330 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/15134065586_b33f572da9_z.jpg" alt="" /><p><div id="res461411616"><div data-crop-type=""><img alt="Senate and House Democrats hold a news conference with first responders in November to announce their support for the permanent reauthorization of the James Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Reauthorization Act." src="http://media.npr.org/assets/img/2015/12/29/gettyimages-497527294-1--0937ac36081a678608b0eab86b6b177b6fe79c60-s700-c85.jpg" style="height: 464px; width: 620px;" title="Senate and House Democrats hold a news conference with first responders in November to announce their support for the permanent reauthorization of the James Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Reauthorization Act. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)" /></div><div><div><p>When Republicans took over both chambers of Congress in January, party leaders vowed they would prove to the country that Republicans could govern. They promised to stop with the self-made crises, such as government shutdowns, and rack up legislative accomplishments.</p><p>So in the first year of a GOP-controlled Congress in nearly a decade, how well did Republicans prove they can govern?</p></div></div></div><p>First, there were no government shutdowns or defaults on the national debt.Immediately after the midterm election in 2014, both Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and House Speaker John Boehner promised there wouldn&#39;t be any shutdowns or defaults on their watch. Turns out they made good on that promise this year.</p><p>But Democrats aren&#39;t exactly congratulating them for it. &quot;That&#39;s like saying, &#39;You know, they didn&#39;t blow the top off the Capitol, so clearly Republican leadership is in touch with America.&#39; No, it takes more than that,&quot; said Democratic Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois.</p><p>Nonetheless, it is fair to say that the widely held assumption Congress gets nothing done doesn&#39;t exactly fit this year. There was an uptick in bipartisan activity in this Republican-controlled Congress in 2015, but if you ask Democrats why that was, they&#39;ll say it&#39;s because they were a more cooperative minority than Republicans were when Democrats controlled the Senate &mdash; and that they cooperated on legislation that bolstered Democratic goals.</p><p>Whether or not keeping the government open counts as an accomplishment, here are eight legislative matters Congress did address in 2015 &mdash; and some issues that remain unresolved:</p><p><strong><span style="font-size:20px;">Bipartisan Legislative Accomplishments</span></strong></p><p><strong>Trillion-Dollar Government Funding Bill:</strong>&nbsp;Right before they split for the holidays, lawmakers passed a trillion-dollar spending bill that will keep the government open until the end of next September. The measure also beefed up cybersecurity and renewed a health care program for Sept. 11 first responders. It also made changes to the visa waiver program so people who have traveled to Iraq, Iran, Syria and Sudan in the past five years will face greater scrutiny if they wish to enter the U.S.</p><p><strong>Tax Extenders:</strong>&nbsp;Paired with the government spending bill was a measure containing hundreds of billions of dollars in tax breaks. Year after year, Congress has had to extend dozens of tax breaks that expire. In this measure, lawmakers made permanent the most popular tax breaks, such as the $1,000 child tax credit, the earned income tax credit for low- and moderate-income workers, and the research and development tax credit.</p><p><strong>Two-Year Budget Agreement:&nbsp;</strong>Right before Boehner left office, he managed to reach a two-year budget deal with the White House and other congressional leaders. The agreement suspends the debt ceiling through March 2017 and increases spending by $80 billion over the next two years &mdash; an increase that&#39;s split evenly between defense and domestic programs.</p><p><strong>No Child Left Behind Rewrite:&nbsp;</strong>Congress easily passed legislation to rewrite the 2002 No Child Left Behind Act. Federally mandated math and reading tests will continue, but the new law cedes greater authority to states, rather than the federal government, to figure out how to use the test results in evaluating schools.</p><p><strong>Five-Year Transportation Bill:&nbsp;</strong>Congress passed its first long-term bill in a decade to fund roads, bridges, and mass transit systems. The measure does not raise the gas tax, currently at 18.4 cents per gallon, but found other sources of funding &mdash; such as changing customs fees and dipping into funds from the Federal Reserve.</p><p><strong>Ended The NSA&#39;s Bulk Surveillance Program:</strong>&nbsp;Lawmakers passed the USA Freedom Act, which ended the government&#39;s bulk collection of phone records. Passage of the measure came after Republican senator and presidential candidate Rand Paul of Kentucky forced a two-day shutdown of the bulk collection program.</p><p><strong>Trade Promotion Authority</strong>:&nbsp;Congress approved a measure to give the president expedited authority to enter a trade deal with 11 other Pacific Rim countries. Attention now turns to the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, which Congress is expected to consider next year &mdash; possibly after the election is over.</p><p><strong>Medicare Reform</strong>:&nbsp;Known as the &quot;Doc Fix&quot; bill, this measure permanently ended automatic Medicare payment cuts to physicians. Under a law from the late 1990s, Medicare payments to doctors would be cut to keep the program&#39;s budget in check. Since then, Congress had failed every year to figure out a long-term solution to the problem.</p><p><strong><span style="font-size:20px;">Unresolved Issues</span></strong></p><p>Still, so many issues remain unresolved &mdash; not because lawmakers think they&#39;re unimportant but because partisan divisions on these ideological issues are so deep, they can&#39;t find common ground. Congress seems happy to take these issues to the voters in 2016.</p><p><strong>Guns</strong>:&nbsp;After a spate of gun-related tragedies in 2015, Democrats vowed to push for gun control legislation, such as measures to expand background checks and prohibit individuals whose names are on terrorist watch lists from purchasing firearms. Both measures failed in the Senate in 2015, as in past years.</p><p><strong>Immigration</strong>:&nbsp;The Senate managed to pass a comprehensive immigration overhaul package in 2013, but attempts to move the legislation through the House failed. Efforts to resurrect immigration legislation have since languished.</p><p><strong>Tax Reform:&nbsp;</strong>After the midterm election, corporate tax reform was seen as a possible area Republicans and Democrats could work together on. But at his year-end news conference, McConnell expressed pessimism about getting any tax reform accomplished with a Democrat in the White House, saying that any tax changes need to be revenue-neutral and he doubted the president would go for that.</p><p>&mdash;<a href="http://www.npr.org/2015/12/30/461388614/8-things-congress-actually-did-this-year?ft=nprml&amp;f=461388614"><em> via NPR</em></a></p></p> Thu, 31 Dec 2015 10:45:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/news/eight-things-congress-actually-did-year-114330 This Isn't The First Time Americans Have Shown Fear Of Refugees http://www.wbez.org/news/isnt-first-time-americans-have-shown-fear-refugees-113888 <p><div id="res456922619" previewtitle="The Statue of Liberty, as seen through windows on the south side of the Great Hall at Ellis Island."><div data-crop-type=""><img alt="The Statue of Liberty, as seen through windows on the south side of the Great Hall at Ellis Island." src="http://media.npr.org/assets/img/2015/11/21/ap_341703699854_wide-69453f4b153ef88326af0668a54bb88f2f31ef0f-s800-c85.jpg" style="height: 349px; width: 620px;" title="The Statue of Liberty, as seen through windows on the south side of the Great Hall at Ellis Island. (Julie Jacobson/AP)" /></div><div><div><p>Political leaders in the national and state capitals this week began raising barriers against refugees coming to the U.S. from Syria and Iraq. They were responding to a sense of fear in the land that refugees might bring with them some of the dangers they were fleeing.</p><p>Such fears escalated sharply after the deadly terror attacks in Paris on Friday, the 13th&mdash; a November night of random slaughter that took at least 130 lives and wounded hundreds.&nbsp;<a href="http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2015-11-18/bloomberg-poll-most-americans-oppose-syrian-refugee-resettlement">Polls</a>&nbsp;throughout the week showed&nbsp;<a href="http://www.langerresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/1173a1AfterParis.pdf">clear majorities</a>&nbsp;of Americans supporting at least &quot;a pause&quot; in the resettlement of refugees from the region being roiled by the self-proclaimed Islamic State.</p></div></div></div><div id="res456915278" previewtitle="The Bloomberg/Selzer poll asked about the best approach to dealing with the Syrian refugee crisis — proceeding with a plan to resettle 10,000 in the U.S., to filter by religion or accept none."><div data-crop-type="" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2015-11-18/bloomberg-poll-most-americans-oppose-syrian-refugee-resettlement" target="_blank"><img alt="The Bloomberg/Selzer poll asked about the best approach to dealing with the Syrian refugee crisis — proceeding with a plan to resettle 10,000 in the U.S., to filter by religion or accept none." src="http://media.npr.org/assets/img/2015/11/21/take-in-syrian-refugees-_chartbuilder_custom-b76bae834062bab36cded85e3cd7059368b5a42d-s400-c85.png" style="height: 294px; width: 500px;" title="The Bloomberg/Selzer poll asked about the best approach to dealing with the Syrian refugee crisis — proceeding with a plan to resettle 10,000 in the U.S., to filter by religion or accept none. Domenico Montanaro/NPR/Bloomberg/Selzer poll, conducted Nov. 16-17, margin of error of +/- 3.9 percent" /></a></div><div><p>&nbsp;</p></div></div><p>For all that America prides itself on being &quot;a nation of immigrants&quot; symbolized by the Statue of Liberty with her lamp beside a golden door, the U.S. is also a nation of people &mdash; subject to human insecurity and fears for safety heightened over the past decade.</p><p>Within 48 hours of the attack,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/2015/11/20/456713306/governor-who-started-stampede-on-refugees-says-he-only-wants-answers">Michigan Gov. Rick Snyder&nbsp;</a>had called for a pause in refugee resettlements. The Republican&#39;s state is home to a significant Muslim population and might have been a logical destination for many new arrivals. Within a day, a majority of the nation&#39;s governors had joined Snyder or gone even further. In Tennessee, a GOP legislative leader called for Syrians already resettled in Nashville to be&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/2015/11/19/456502693/tennessee-lawmaker-calls-for-national-guard-to-round-up-syrian-refugees">rounded up</a>&nbsp;and turned over to federal authorities.</p><p>On Thursday, the U.S. House voted overwhelmingly to suspend the resettlement of Syrian and Iraqi refugees until each and everyone could be certified as safe by the heads of the FBI, the CIA and the Department of Homeland Security.</p><p>&quot;From a law enforcement perspective, the bill presents us with an impracticality,&quot; Attorney General Loretta Lynch said. And FBI Director James Comey, one of the three officials charged with certifying the refugees as safe, noted, &quot;It would be very, very difficult to say of anyone coming into the country that there is zero risk.&quot;</p><p>Despite the big bipartisan majority vote, perhaps no one expects this House bill to become law. It will be altered in the Senate, and it has drawn a veto threat from the White House. Nonetheless, it had to happen &mdash; if only to defuse the explosive atmosphere of anxiety even on Capitol Hill in the wake of the horrors in Paris. All these politicians were giving voice to the powerful popular impression &mdash; visible in much of the media &mdash; that lax policies and porous borders could expose Americans to the same sort of violence visited on the French.</p><p>Prosecutors said Friday they determined that&nbsp;<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2015/11/20/world/europe/ap-eu-paris-attacks-the-latest.html">two of the suicide bombers</a>&nbsp;at France&#39;s national stadium had passed through Greece last month. Greece is a common European entry point for many refugees because of its proximity to Syria. It scarcely seems to matter, however, that the core of the Paris problem is that principal players were European nationals &mdash; or that the supposed mastermind was&nbsp;<a href="http://www.npr.org/2015/11/19/456683674/suspected-planner-of-paris-attacks-took-conventional-journey-to-radicalization">radicalized in a French prison</a>.</p><p>This is not, of course, the first time Americans have confronted a sudden influx of refugees. And it is not the first time the impulse has been to raise the drawbridge:</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/AP_100112020274.jpg" style="height: 213px; width: 310px; margin-left: 10px; margin-right: 10px; float: right;" title="Rescuers work to free trapped survivors and find dead victims in a four story building that collapsed in the 7.0-magnitude earthquake in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Wednesday, Jan. 13, 2010. (AP Photo/Gerald Herbert)" /><strong>2010 &mdash; Haitians:&nbsp;</strong>The earthquake in Haiti in 2010 increased the already strong incentives for Haitians to attempt the hazardous seaborne transit to the U.S., whether legally or illegally. Given the new devastation in the island nation, the U.S. relaxed its usual policy of deportation for undocumented Haitians already in the U.S. illegally, granting them Temporary Protected Status. Similar status had been granted to arrivals of other Latin American countries after earthquakes and hurricanes. But the idea of accepting new Haitian immigration because of this disaster was strongly resisted both in Florida and beyond.</p><p><strong>1980 &mdash; Cubans:</strong>&nbsp;In the summer of 1980, an economic crisis in Cuba led the Communist regime of Fidel Castro to allow thousands of Cubans to leave the country. Over the course of months, perhaps 125,000 Cubans made the trip from Cuba to the U.S. in a massive, but haphazard, flotilla known as the &quot;Mariel boatlift.&quot; Public opinion was positive at first, but soured at reports that Castro had salted the exodus with an admixture of inmates from prisons and hospitals. Partly as a result, relocation was slowed while the &quot;Marielitos&quot; arrivals were vetted and processed at military reservations in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Puerto Rico and Arkansas, as well as South Florida. In Arkansas, there were riots at the camp and escapes. The political fallout caused the defeat that fall of the state&#39;s young first-term Democratic governor, Bill Clinton.</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/AP_7501250109.jpg" style="height: 203px; width: 310px; margin-left: 10px; margin-right: 10px; float: right;" title="A little girl in a pedicab, and her driver stare as they pass a demonstration of nine anti-war activists before the United States embassy in Saigon, Friday, Jan. 25, 1975. The activists, led by David Harris, left, of Menlo Park, Calif. former husband of folk singer Joan Baez, passed out leaflets demanding the end of U.S. intervention in South Vietnam. (AP Photo)" /><strong>1975 &mdash; Vietnamese:</strong>&nbsp;The fall of Saigon sent hundreds of thousands of South Vietnamese fleeing from the triumphant new Communist regime. Some had the means to travel, while others were forced onto flimsy vessels that were barely seaworthy. They came to be known as &quot;boat people.&quot; Many had the U.S. as their ultimate destination, and a young Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown of California resisted their relocation. He even tried to prevent planeloads of refugees from landing in his state at Travis Air Force Base. Brown eventually relented, and Vietnamese have assimilated successfully in California and elsewhere since. Returning to the governorship in 2011, Brown has been a vocal supporter of accepting Syrian refugees.</p><p><strong>Mid-1950s </strong>&mdash;<strong> Post-WWII Europeans, including Jews who survived the Holocaust:</strong>&nbsp;When the Soviet Union was tightening its grip on Eastern Europe through proxy governments run by the Communist Party, President Dwight D. Eisenhower released a plan to bring a quarter-of-a-million asylum-seekers to the U.S. But the end of World War II in 1945 sent waves of refugees in multiple directions. Here again, the popular reaction was resistance. A Gallup poll in 1946 found 59 percent of Americans disapproved of a plan to accept those displaced by the war &mdash; including Jews, who had survived the Holocaust. President Harry Truman directed that 40,000 refugees be admitted in December of that year, a number that barely registered against the magnitude of human movement at the time.</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/AP_781671446777.jpg" style="height: 224px; width: 310px; float: right; margin-left: 10px; margin-right: 10px;" title="In this Aug. 22, 1939 file photo, the S.S. Parita, with 700 European Jewish refugees on board, lists after it was beached near the Ritz Hotel in Tel Aviv, an all-Jewish town in Palestine, under British mandate. The state of Israel declared independence in 1948. (AP Photo)" /><strong>Late 1930s</strong><strong> &mdash; European Jews before the Holocaust:</strong>&nbsp;Those seeking political asylum from the rise of Nazism in central Europe often wanted to come to the U.S., and some with the necessary means or connections managed to do so. Still, others were turned away. A Fortune magazine poll in 1938 found 67 percent opposed to allowing &quot;German, Austrian and other political refugees&quot; to come to the U.S. That same year, a troubled President Franklin D. Roosevelt convened a 29-nation conference to discuss the Jewish refugees in particular, who were fleeing Hitler&#39;s rise.</p><p>As one account put it, &quot;If each nation [present] had agreed on that day to take in 17,000 Jews at once, every Jew in the [German] Reich could have been saved.&quot; But the conference, which was held in France, accomplished little. The U.S. and Great Britain were not willing to lead the way in accepting substantially higher numbers of Jewish refugees. In one especially notorious case, the ocean liner&nbsp;St. Louis&nbsp;arrived at Miami in 1939, but was not allowed to disembark more than 900 passengers &mdash; nearly all of them Jewish refugees. The ship returned to Europe, where many of the 900 would die in the Holocaust. That same year, a Gallup Poll found 61 percent of Americans opposed to taking in 10,000 refugee children, most of them German Jews.</p><p><strong>1918 &mdash; Post-WWI Europeans:&nbsp;</strong>Hundreds of thousands of people tried to come to the U.S. after the end of World War I in 1918. Their efforts merged with the surging immigration that had characterized the decades before the war, bringing waves of Italians, Greeks, Eastern Europeans and Russians to America. These populations found assimilation more difficult than Northern Europeans had before them.</p><p>This same convergence of concerns is evident in the current panic over Syrians, which bleeds into a more general public unease over immigration in general. For Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump and others, the threat of terrorists arriving among refugees is an extension of a larger resistance to immigration. And that story is nearly as deeply woven into American history as the idea of immigration itself.</p><p><strong>In the </strong><strong>1850s</strong><strong> it was the Irish, </strong>driven onto the sea by famine, dispersing to the New World and the Australia. America also greeted many Germans in those same years before the Civil War, fleeing turmoil at home and arriving in force in New York, the Midwest and even frontier Texas.</p><p><strong>The late 1800s and early 1900s brought the first big waves of Italians, </strong><strong>Greeks</strong><strong> <a href="http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/poland-elsewhere-why-so-many-poles-came-chicago-113578" target="_blank">and Poles</a>,</strong> as well as many Jews from Russia and from eastern and central Europe. Chinese, many of them refugees from political unrest in Asia, came in great numbers in this era as well.</p><p>The U.S. set up a processing camp on Angel Island in the San Francisco Bay that operated from 1910 to 1940. Arriving immigrants from Asia stayed there for vetting and processing that could take many months. The rates of exclusion for arrivals here was far greater than for Ellis Island, the processing site in New York Harbor, hard by the Statue of Liberty.</p><p>&mdash; <a href="http://www.npr.org/2015/11/21/456857350/this-isnt-the-first-time-americans-have-shown-fear-of-refugees" target="_blank"><em>via NPR</em></a></p></p> Mon, 23 Nov 2015 11:09:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/news/isnt-first-time-americans-have-shown-fear-refugees-113888 Mollenbeek: A look at Brussels' immigrant neighborhood http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2015-11-18/mollenbeek-look-brussels-immigrant-neighborhood-113842 <p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/AP_628937859283.jpg" title="(Photo: Associated Press/Virginia Mayo)" /></div><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/233666094&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_reposts=false&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><span style="font-size: 22px; background-color: rgb(255, 244, 244);">Belgian immigration after the Paris attacks</span></p><div style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: 14px; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;">The investigation into the terror attacks in Paris has focused attention on Belgium. Investigators believe the attacks were planned there. Belgium has sent the largest number of foreign fighters in Europe to join ISIS. The country&rsquo;s been linked to several other terror attacks in recent years, and several with ties to a neighborhood in Brussels called Molenbeek. The area has a large Muslim and immigrant population. Brussels, like France, has struggled to integrate its immigrants. We&rsquo;ll take a look at Belgium&rsquo;s immigrant communities and the Molenbeek neighborhood in particular with Marco Martiniello, a professor of sociology at the University of Liege in Belgium.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong>Guest:&nbsp;</strong><em><span id="docs-internal-guid-1e7164c0-1c54-a2b3-d8cb-bbc59ec84ac9"><a href="http://twitter.com/MarcoMartiniell">Marco Martiniello</a> is a professor of sociology at the <a href="http://twitter.com/UniversiteLiege">University of Liege</a>.&nbsp;</span></em></p></div><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/233666594&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_reposts=false&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><span style="font-size: 22px; background-color: rgb(255, 244, 244);">EcoMyths: Is food waste unavoidable?</span></p><div style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: 14px; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;">According to the Worldwatch Institute, Americans waste three times more food between Thanksgiving and New Year&rsquo;s than the rest of the year. Globally, we waste one-third of all food produced for us to eat (1.3 billion tons), according to the UN&rsquo;s Food and Agriculture Organization. For our EcoMyths segment, Kate Sackman of EcoMyths Alliance joins us with Dr. Barbara Willard of DePaul University, to bust the myth that large holiday food bills and waste are inevitable.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong>Guests:&nbsp;</strong></p><ul><li style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><em><span id="docs-internal-guid-1e7164c0-1c59-a303-7f74-b2f2c0330ca6">Dr. Barbara Willard is an environmental science communications expert, and an associate professor at <a href="http://twitter.com/DePaulU">DePaul University</a>. </span></em></li><li style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><em><span id="docs-internal-guid-1e7164c0-1c59-b7be-6864-fa958186bd2a">Kate Sackman is the founder and president of <a href="http://twitter.com/EcoMyths">EcoMyths Alliance</a>. </span></em></li><li style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><em><a href="http://twitter.com/Bkosson">Beth Kosson</a> is the education and outreach director for EcoMyths Alliance.</em></li></ul></div><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/233667033&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_comments=true&amp;show_user=true&amp;show_reposts=false&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><span style="font-size: 22px; background-color: rgb(255, 244, 244);">Global Notes: &#39;The Good Ones&#39;</span></p><div style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: 14px; line-height: 22px; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;">Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. The three tribes from the African country of Rwanda have come together in the form of the band The Good Ones. The quartet is led by subsitance farmer Adrien Kazigira who went looking for the best musicians around, ergo the name of the band. The band consists of acoustic guitar, tight harmonies and minimal percussion ( boots). This week on Global Notes, Morning Shift and Radio M host Tony Sarabia brings us music from the band&rsquo;s lastest effort, the album Rwanda is My Home.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 18px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-family: inherit; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong>Guest:</strong>&nbsp;<em><span id="docs-internal-guid-1e7164c0-1c5d-39ba-85f5-96dd9865d025"><a href="http://twitter.com/wbezsarabia">Tony Sarabia </a>is the host of <a href="http://twitter.com/WBEZmorning">Morning Shift</a> and Radio M.&nbsp;</span></em></p></div><p>&nbsp;</p></p> Wed, 18 Nov 2015 14:29:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2015-11-18/mollenbeek-look-brussels-immigrant-neighborhood-113842 Gary mayor withdraws support for proposed immigration detention center http://www.wbez.org/news/gary-mayor-withdraws-support-proposed-immigration-detention-center-113748 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org//main-images/Democrat Karen Freeman-Wilson is greeted by a shopper at Fresh County Market in Gary, Ind. as she campaigns on election day Tuesday Nov. 8, 2011. AP PhotoSun-Times Media, Stephanie Dowell.jpg" alt="" /><p><div>The mayor of Gary, Indiana is pulling her support for the building of a detention center to house undocumented immigrants in her city.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>The lure of 200 to 300 new jobs for the struggling Steel City had been the rationale for Mayor Karen Freeman-Wilson&rsquo;s initial support.</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>&ldquo;It wasn&rsquo;t just the jobs but it was infrastructure around the airport that we were going to have help with, along with tax base. These are taxpaying, corporate citizens,&rdquo; Freeman-Wilson told WBEZ late Wednesday evening. &ldquo;This was a very difficult decision.&rdquo;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>The for-profit Florida-based prison company <a href="http://www.geogroup.com/" target="_blank">GEO Group</a> was looking at building a $65 million processing facility for undocumented immigrants just north of the Gary Chicago International Airport. The project could have generated up to $1 million in property taxes for a city that&rsquo;s struggling to pay its police and fire personnel and keep many of its public schools open.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>But soon after it was announced, opposition began to swell.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><a href="http://www.chicagotribune.com/suburbs/post-tribune/news/ct-ptb-gary-geo-rezone-bid-st-1111-20151110-story.html" target="_blank">Opponents packed the Gary City Council chambers earlier this week </a>when the city&rsquo;s Board of Zoning Appeals was going to meet to discuss the issue. The board put off talking about GEO Group&rsquo;s proposal for another two weeks.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>In the meantime, opponents began to develop plans for a protest march this weekend. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>&ldquo;I understand Gary&rsquo;s situation. I understand the mayor is trying to find solutions to it but for a few gold coins, it&rsquo;s not right,&rdquo; said Antonio Barreda of the Community Coalition for Immigrants of Northwest Indiana.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Gary has an unemployment rate of 18 percent, more than three times the state average at 4.5 percent. But Freeman Wilson, a former Indiana attorney general and civil rights attorney, says she began to share activists&rsquo; concerns.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>&ldquo;The detention of individuals is not consistent with what I fought for in terms of civil and human rights,&rdquo; Freeman-Wilson said. &ldquo;I understand that it has to be done. I understand that there are folks who certainly ought to be deported but I just didn&rsquo;t think that was the type of economic development we wanted to see in the city of Gary.&rdquo;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Since 2011, GEO Group has been trying to build an immigration processing center in the Chicago area without much success. Past attempts in south suburban Crete and in Hobart, just east of Gary, failed.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>&ldquo;The GEO Group approached the City of Gary in search of a potential processing facility in an industrial area. &nbsp;While we are disappointed in the city&rsquo;s decision to withdraw from the potential opportunity, The GEO Group successfully operates safe and secure facilities all over the world and employs thousands of men and women in communities across the U.S. and overseas,&rdquo; Pablo Paez, Vice President of Corporate Relations for The GEO Group, stated in a news release. &ldquo;We look forward to continuing our efforts to identify and work with a partner in the region to bring new economic opportunities and provide the services the Federal government requires in this part of the country.&rdquo;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><div><div><div property="content:encoded"><p><em>WBEZ&rsquo;s Michael Puente covers Northwest Indiana. Follow him on Twitter&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/MikePuenteNews">@MikePuenteNews</a>.</em></p></div></div></div></div><p>&nbsp;</p></p> Thu, 12 Nov 2015 11:06:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/news/gary-mayor-withdraws-support-proposed-immigration-detention-center-113748