WBEZ | Culture http://www.wbez.org/tags/culture Latest from WBEZ Chicago Public Radio en Iraqi musicians continue to play, despite conflict http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2014-06-18/iraqi-musicians-continue-play-despite-conflict-110371 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/main-images/AP817556148506.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>Iraqi musicians have been the target of attacks by extremists who have bombed music shops and forced many concert halls to close, but they have continued to play.On this week&#39;s Global Notes we&#39;ll listen to Iraqi folk and pop.</p><div class="storify"><iframe allowtransparency="true" frameborder="no" height="750" src="//storify.com/WBEZ/worldview-iraqi-musicians-continue-to-play-despite/embed?header=false&amp;border=false" width="100%"></iframe><script src="//storify.com/WBEZ/worldview-iraqi-musicians-continue-to-play-despite.js?header=false&border=false"></script><noscript>[<a href="//storify.com/WBEZ/worldview-iraqi-musicians-continue-to-play-despite" target="_blank">View the story "Worldview: Iraqi musicians continue to play, despite conflict" on Storify</a>]</noscript></div></p> Wed, 18 Jun 2014 11:27:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2014-06-18/iraqi-musicians-continue-play-despite-conflict-110371 Chicago's e-cigarette crackdown is officially underway http://www.wbez.org/news/chicagos-e-cigarette-crackdown-officially-underway-110101 <p><p>The city of Chicago&rsquo;s crackdown on electronic cigarettes officially begins Tuesday.&nbsp;</p><p>E-cigarettes, or vape pens, allow users to puff on nicotine vapor rather than real tobacco smoke. The Chicago City Council passed an ordinance in January that regulates the pens just like any other tobacco product. From now on, smokers won&rsquo;t be allowed to use any of these devices in the workplace or any enclosed public places like bars, restaurants, stores or sports venues.</p><p>The city policy also bans the distribution or sale of e-cigarettes to minors, and requires that stores keep them behind the counter, rather than out on the sale floor.</p><p>Mayor Rahm Emanuel backed the measure, and has been pushing restrictions on all forms of cigarette smoking - including boosting the cigarette tax and putting a prohibition on selling flavored tobacco products within a 500 feet of a school.</p><p>&ldquo;It&rsquo;s been a long line of activities to protect our kids from both tobacco products, and more importantly, from the tobacco companies seeing [kids] as part of their bottom line. And they&rsquo;re not,&rdquo; Emanuel told WBEZ.&nbsp;</p><p>Opponents - including some aldermen - say e-cigarettes are safer than regular tobacco-burning cigarettes, and can actually help people quit.</p><p>The Food and Drug Administration issued a proposal last week that would extend the agency&rsquo;s tobacco authority to cover e-cigarette products, which would restrict companies from giving out free samples. It would also impose minimum-age and identification restrictions on e-cigarettes and keep them out of vending machines (unless they&rsquo;re in a facility that never admits kids) but it stopped short of regulating advertising.The proposed rule is now under a public comment period.</p><p>Dr. Bechara Choucair, Commissioner of Chicago&rsquo;s Department of Public Health, said the proposal is a good first step--and a step in the right direction--but the city&rsquo;s ordinance goes even farther.</p><p>Choucair said if anyone sees people smoking e-cigarettes in Chicago where they&rsquo;re not supposed to, they can call 311 to file a complaint.</p><p><em>Lauren Chooljian is a WBEZ reporter. Follow her <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https%3A%2F%2Ftwitter.com%2Flaurenchooljian&amp;sa=D&amp;sntz=1&amp;usg=AFQjCNHdY9Bg1Uv8cPtNPU3NCg2qmAExsQ">@laurenchooljian</a>&nbsp;</em></p></p> Tue, 29 Apr 2014 17:17:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/news/chicagos-e-cigarette-crackdown-officially-underway-110101 After Haymarket: Anarchism on trial and a city in search of its soul http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/after-haymarket-anarchism-trial-and-city-search-its-soul-110098 <p><div class="image-insert-image "><a name="top"></a><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/TIOOR_0.jpg" style="height: 223px; width: 620px;" title="" /></div><p><iframe frameborder="0" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/147277419&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_artwork=true" width="100%"></iframe></p><p>No one knows who threw the bomb near Haymarket Square on the night of May 4, 1886. It&rsquo;s one of Chicago&rsquo;s most vexing unsolved mysteries. But there&rsquo;s little question that this violent act had huge repercussions &mdash; not only in Chicago but around the world.</p><p>Curious City received a question about this legendary and controversial event from a Naperville resident named Sabina:</p><p style="text-align: center;"><em>&ldquo;How did the Haymarket Square Massacre affect Chicago&rsquo;s culture at the time?&rdquo;</em></p><p>(Sabina didn&rsquo;t leave her last name or reply to our follow-up emails, but that didn&rsquo;t dissuade us from answering this fascinating and important question.)</p><p>We took a wide-angle view of what &ldquo;culture&rdquo; means &mdash; to quote one dictionary definition, it&rsquo;s the &ldquo;ideas, customs, skills, arts, etc. of a particular people or group in a particular period.&rdquo; Talking with five historians who have written about Haymarket, it becomes clear that this 1886 incident changed Chicagoans&rsquo; ideas about many things, especially labor, politics and justice. And in countless ways, it changed how the city&rsquo;s people looked at their fellow Chicagoans &mdash; whether it was a factory owner and a laborer facing off, or a person born in America suspiciously eyeing an immigrant from Europe. &nbsp;</p><p>Haymarket left a lasting stigma on radical movements. Ever since, the public has imagined&nbsp;<a href="#slideshow">anarchists as bomb-throwing fiends</a>. Tensions were already running high between wealthy business owners and poor workers in Chicago, but Haymarket made them even worse. Historians say it set back the labor movement for decades. But it also spurred some Chicagoans to seek ways of defusing that tension and making the city a more civic place.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>The explosion at Haymarket</strong></span></p><p>First, here&rsquo;s a quick summary of the Haymarket story. (Although our question-asker called it a &ldquo;massacre,&rdquo; it&rsquo;s probably best to avoid using that controversial term.)</p><p>On May 1, 1886, hundreds of thousands of people across the country &mdash; and 30,000 in Chicago &mdash; went on strike, demanding an eight-hour workday. Two days later, strikers scuffled with replacement workers at the <a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/2204.html" target="_blank">McCormick Reaper Works</a> on the Southwest Side. Police fired into the crowd, killing two strikers.</p><p>Outraged by the police violence, anarchists held a rally on the night of May 4 at Haymarket Square, near Randolph and Desplaines streets. Around 1,500 people gathered to hear speeches. Mayor Carter Harrison Sr. watched for a while, then decided to go home. It looked peaceful to him. By 10:30 p.m., as the crowd was dwindling, a line of nearly 200 police officers came marching down the street. The police ordered the crowd to disperse.</p><div class="image-insert-image " style="text-align: center;"><a href="#slideshow"><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/v37v.jpg" style="height: 337px; width: 450px;" title="" /></a></div><blockquote><div class="image-insert-image " style="text-align: center;"><strong>Anarchist Lookbook:&nbsp;<a href="#slideshow">Haymarket&#39;s pictorial impact on radical politics</a></strong></div></blockquote><p>Just then, a bomb came flying toward the cops and exploded. Gunfire erupted. Some witnesses said later that the police fired most of the bullets. Others said that people in the crowd were shooting, too. By the time it was all over, seven officers were dead or dying. Four people in the crowd died. Dozens of people on both sides were wounded.</p><p>In the coming days, police rounded up dozens of anarchists across the city. That summer, eight radicals were put on trial. Just a few of them had actually been at the rally in Haymarket Square. Prosecutors didn&rsquo;t know who threw the bomb, but they persuaded a jury that these men were guilty of a bombing conspiracy.</p><p>Seven of the men were sentenced to hang, and one (Oscar Neebe) received 15 years in prison. Two of the men facing the death penalty (Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab) asked for clemency, and Republican Gov. Richard Oglesby reduced their punishment to life in prison. Another one of the men on death row, Louis Lingg, killed himself in his jail cell with a smuggled blasting cap.</p><p>That left four men who had refused to ask the governor for mercy: Albert Parsons, August Spies,&nbsp;George Engel and Adolph Fischer. On Nov. 11, 1887, they were hanged at the same time on the gallows at Cook County Jail.</p><p>Six years later, a new governor &mdash; Democrat John Peter Altgeld &mdash; pardoned the three Haymarket defendants who were serving time in prison (Fielden, Schwab and Neebe). Altgeld called the trial a miscarriage of justice.</p><p>To find out what effect these events had on Chicago&rsquo;s culture, <a href="#historians">we spoke with five experts</a>. The following is an edited transcript from separate phone interviews with these five authors.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>What sort of tensions was Chicago experiencing leading up to Haymarket?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Dominic A. Pacyga: </strong>We sometimes don&rsquo;t realize how violently divided we were in the 19th century. After the Civil War, people thought there was going to be another civil war, but this would be between the working poor and the rich. It didn&rsquo;t happen, but it certainly seemed like it was going to happen.</p><p><strong>James Green:</strong> It isn&rsquo;t surprising that (the bombing) happened, given the culture of violence and conflict that had been festering in Chicago ever since 1867. Gov. Oglesby signed a bill, making eight hours the legal workday, on May 1, 1867. What happens? Well, employers refuse to obey the law. There&rsquo;s rioting. That starts a cycle of violence. Employers don&rsquo;t want any sort of state intervention. The unemployed demand relief. Well, that causes a riot.</p><p>The radical Republicans &mdash; Oglesby and the folks who saw themselves in Lincoln&rsquo;s tradition &mdash; wanted to mediate this. The failure of that means the more savage forces inherent in the industrial process in Chicago take over. There&rsquo;s a lot of violence in the workplace. There&rsquo;s violence in the streets. People were engaged in violent acts on both sides. And the police are in the middle and often blamed for it.</p><p><strong>Timothy Messer-Kruse: </strong>The bombing occurred in the context of the first-ever national general strike. The idea was that any worker who had not achieved the eight-hour workday at their place of employment would go on strike on May 1. The simultaneous striking of millions of workers would simply create a cascading change across the country. And that would force both politicians and employers to recognize labor&rsquo;s power.</p><p>Everybody in industrial settings, they did toil very long days. In those days, 10 hours was standard. In many areas, it was sunup to sundown.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> In the packinghouses, they generally worked until all of the animals were slaughtered. Most male workers were completely removed from their family because of the 12-hour or 16-hour day. In the steel mills, there were two 12-hour shifts. You worked six days a week.</p><p><strong>Leon Fink: </strong>The anarchists were the left wing of the eight-hour movement. And within that left wing, there was a fringe of anarchists who counseled the use of bombs and dynamite. They justified it &mdash; at least publicly &mdash; as something they would only resort to in the face of police violence and as a defensive mechanism. But it seems clear there was a fringe of anarchists who were stockpiling bombs.</p><p><strong>Carl Smith:</strong> I think most of (the Haymarket defendants) are nonviolent people. They were convicted for what they said, not what they did. But yes, they certainly rhetorically preached violence as a solution. They preached a sense that violence is being practiced on them, day in and day out in the system &mdash; the billy clubs of the police. In their worldview, it was a life-and-death battle.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>Among those <a href="http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/haymarket/haymarketdefendants.html">eight defendants</a>, there clearly were people who were willing to use violence for political ends &mdash; Louis Lingg, very clearly. The evidence is overwhelming that he made the bombs, including the bomb that was thrown at the Haymarket rally. He had dedicated his life to the violent overthrow not only of the government but essentially all bourgeois institutions. (The Haymarket defendants include) individuals who philosophically agree that the industrial society was so unjust, so murderous in its daily operation, that it had to be overthrown through some sort of mass, violent insurrection.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket affect the labor and radical political movements?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Pacyga: </strong>Oh, it devastated the labor movement and the radical movement. Everybody who was involved with the May Day strike was tainted by the bombing. We still don&rsquo;t know really who threw the bomb. But the people in power used this as an excuse to really destroy the labor movement, to destroy the labor press and to move against all attempts to organize workers across the city.</p><p><strong>Smith: </strong>What the press and leading businessmen tried to do was tar all labor organizing with the brush of anarchism and to link anarchism with bombing. People started associating labor unions with bomb-throwers.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>Haymarket definitely threw a big monkey wrench into the direction of American labor activism. When the bomb went off, Chicago went from being a city involved in what was becoming a complete general strike to a city pretty much on lockdown, with police investigations of this bombing.</p><p>The eight-hour movement was stopped in its tracks. Many workers in Chicago and elsewhere were actually winning concessions from their employers. Workers had been peacefully on strike, negotiating with their employers. When that bomb went off and police were killed, (labor activists) suddenly lost a lot of power and lost a lot of respect. Many employers who had conceded the eight-hour day in Chicago took it back. They simply tore up those contracts and took it back.</p><p>Had that (bombing) not happened, it could very well have gone otherwise. If the eight-hour day had been secured, then labor leaders would&rsquo;ve been emboldened to continue those kinds of tactics &mdash; and to view their role as being not only involved in their individual labor unions but involved in the general politics of the nation.</p><p>When the bomb went off, it went exactly the other direction. Labor leaders abandoned any idea of mobilizing this kind of public activism. America&rsquo;s trade union leaders become very conservative after Haymarket. They primarily become concerned with the interests of their own narrow sector of the workforce, and not with the nation as a whole.</p><p><strong>Green: </strong>It was certainly a crushing blow to that revolutionary left wing. The doctrine of force as a political philosophy disappears. What it did was drastically limit what the public debate about working conditions could be. It was no longer admissible to talk about it being so bad that something radical had to happen. That was out the window.</p><p>If the bomb hadn&rsquo;t exploded that evening, it might have (shown) that citizens could go into the streets and nonviolently protest for their rights, and that the employers would concede and people would move on in some nonviolent way to some kind of mediated workplace situation.</p><p>It would also have meant that there was still a radical voice within the house of labor, saying, &ldquo;We may have the eight-hour day, but there&rsquo;s something fundamentally rotten about this system. And ultimately, unless we replace it with another kind of economy, we&rsquo;re going to be in trouble.&rdquo; But that voice was gone. After Haymarket, the American Federation of Labor started to embrace a very limited version: just shorter hours and better living wages &mdash; that&rsquo;s all we want, you know?</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> There was a tremendous amount of public reaction against labor unions and against<a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/693.html" target="_blank"> the Knights of Labor</a>, which was the largest union at the time. There were about 700,000 members nationally. From that point on, the Knights of Labor really struggled and there was not that much future for it.</p><p><strong>Fink: </strong>Chicago was a leading Knights of Labor center. The Knights encompassed everyone from small businessmen and professionals down to the unskilled, including African-Americans and women. They were probably the most inclusive social movement of the late 19th century. And they were a powerful social force. They saw themselves as the preserver of the American Dream for the mass of people in the aftermath of the Civil War. They were against monopoly and against the seizure of the political system by a new moneyed elite. They believed in the ballot box. They believed in peaceful protest. They really were not in favor of strikes or confrontations, and engaged in them only as a last resort. So, their leadership was quick to disassociate itself from the anarchists, but Haymarket tarred their&nbsp;public reputation. They never ever recovered. The setback here reverberated around nation. &nbsp;</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> It wasn&rsquo;t until the beginning of the 20th century that the (labor movement&rsquo;s) recovery over Haymarket began to take place. But even then, the labor unions were pretty much kept out of power until well into the 1930s.</p><p><strong>Green: </strong>Eventually, more and more workers win the eight-hour day. In 1938, it becomes a mandate of Congress.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket affect politics in the Democratic and Republican parties?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>It probably didn&rsquo;t shift too much of the politics on the ground. Chicago remained a labor stronghold throughout this period and well into the 20th century, and the politics revolved around labor.</p><p><strong>Pacyga: </strong>People on both sides of the political spectrum, Democrats and Republicans, tried to get leniency for the Haymarket martyrs. But Marshall Field really pushed &mdash; he wanted them to be punished. People like (Haymarket defendant Albert) Parsons had been a pain in his side for a long time. Marshall Field wanted them hanged.</p><p><strong>Green:</strong> Lyman Trumbull (a former U.S. senator who lived in Chicago), who&rsquo;s another one of these Lincolnian Republicans, thinks that these men&rsquo;s lives should be spared. It&rsquo;s a conflict within the Republican Party over this whole thing. In the end of course, there&rsquo;s no question what will be the outcome.</p><p><strong>Smith: </strong>No mainstream politician defended them. And Altgeld (Gov. John Peter Altgeld, the Democrat who pardoned the three Haymarket defendants serving prison sentences in 1893) didn&rsquo;t defend them. He said that they didn&rsquo;t get a fair trial. He called it a miscarriage of justice. He didn&rsquo;t say they were right.</p><p><strong>Pacyga: </strong>He hurt his political career with the pardons, absolutely. He turned the power elite against him.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>I don&rsquo;t think that&rsquo;s really true. In fact, you could argue that it actually was a springboard into other politics. For example, during the great 1896 Democratic convention in Chicago, Altgeld was clearly the toast of the convention.</p><p><strong>Fink:</strong> For the conservative forces in either party, Haymarket provided a kind of ready reference for the fears and threats of radicalism. The Haymarket defendants were quickly seen as un-American, as a&nbsp;threat to the social order. The Democrats would try to peel off the rank-and-file of the labor and radical movement. They would say: &ldquo;We can provide certain benefits if you&rsquo;ll come under our umbrella.&rdquo; For many former labor movement types, the Democratic Party became the only game in town.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> The Democratic Party appealed to solid bread-and-butter unionists who simply wanted things like better conditions, better pay, paid vacations.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket affect immigrants living in Chicago?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Fink:</strong> It forced most immigrant groups to prove their respectability.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> There was tremendous anti-immigrant reaction and anti-Catholic reaction. Here were these Germans talking about throwing bombs and a bomb gets thrown. It proved the point that these radical ideologies were coming in from Europe and the gates should be closed.</p><p>There was a lot of class tension within (immigrant) communities. A lot of the cops that were killed were Irish working-class cops. (They) were putting down a working-class demonstration, which Irish attended. This ripped all these ethnic communities apart in one way or the other.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>Haymarket provided tinder for (the anti-immigrant) movement by associating immigration and lawlessness and anarchy, but I wouldn&rsquo;t take that too far. The anti-immigrant tensions in a city like Chicago are not necessarily caused by the Haymarket bombing. They&rsquo;re caused by many factors.</p><p><strong>Green: </strong>Chicago was such a polyglot city that it was almost a little too late to be talking about pulling up the gates. I wouldn&rsquo;t say Chicago in the 1890s was a particularly hostile place for immigrants, more so than any other city.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket change the police and courts in Chicago?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>The Chicago police were already beginning a long process of professionalization and modernization. And this event certainly sped that process up quite a bit. It also leads many states to take on more responsibility for the policing of labor struggles.</p><p><strong>Smith: </strong>It&rsquo;s the first major Red Scare. It sets a pattern: When something happens like this, you say it&rsquo;s outside agitators who are making this happen, so round them up and punish them. &ldquo;If we catch these guys and hang these guys, the problem will be solved.&rdquo;</p><p>You could never hold a trial like that now. There were plenty of other miscarriages of justice of all&nbsp;kinds, but generally speaking, in this country, trials got fairer. I think there was a sense afterwards that the trial was a case of &ldquo;the ends justify the means.&rdquo;</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket shape Chicago&rsquo;s reputation?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>Not that Chicago needed a lot of help, as far as its reputation goes, but from this time on, it does have a reputation as a hotbed of radicalism.</p><p><strong>Fink: </strong>It was an immigrant city. It was not in the hands of &ldquo;respectable&rdquo; Americans. So it had a kind of dangerous edge to it in the popular mind. On the other hand, for the political left, especially internationally, Chicago became famous for its radicalism and its martyrs. Like other flamboyant episodes of violence &mdash; like (John) Dillinger or (Al) Capone or other moments of disorder &mdash; it added to Chicago&rsquo;s reputation as a city on the edge.</p><p><strong>Smith: </strong>The bombing hurt Chicago&rsquo;s reputation, certainly. But it didn&rsquo;t slow its growth in any way. The population doubled in the 1880s and then doubled again in the 1890s. So in terms of people voting with their feet or capital coming in &mdash; or the decision to hold a World&rsquo;s Fair here (in 1893) &mdash; Haymarket didn&rsquo;t stop any of that.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> Chicago&rsquo;s position along the railroad lines and water make Chicago such an optimal place to invest in that (business owners) ignore these things. Plus, you&rsquo;ve got a government that generally supports big business. Ignores pollution. Ignores the times when big business steals water.</p><p><strong>Green: </strong>I&rsquo;m sure that the city fathers, (Tribune publisher) Joseph Medill and all of the big business guys were saying, &ldquo;Well, see, we took care of this problem now. We&rsquo;re not going to let that happen again.&rdquo; It may have in fact enhanced their reputation as tough law-and-order people keeping the lid on things. Of course, they failed. Something far worse occurs in 1894, the Pullman Strike. That was much, much worse violence.</p><p><strong>Green:</strong> In Jane Addams&rsquo; <em>Twenty Years at Hull House</em>, she talks about coming back from England around 1889. The city was still taken up with Haymarket. People were still tense. There was this attempt on her part and other liberals to try to create a civic forum where all of the hard feelings about Haymarket could be discussed and opened up and a new civic culture could be created and there wouldn&rsquo;t be so much hatred and class bitterness. That&rsquo;s what <a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/615.html" target="_blank">Hull House</a> was about.</p><p>That&rsquo;s what the liberal Chicago was about: Let&rsquo;s make it a better city. Let&rsquo;s make it a city where there isn&rsquo;t so much hatred, and where immigrants don&rsquo;t feel so exploited, and where the police are not killing&nbsp;people. So that did begin to happen. People were saying, &ldquo;This is terrible. We&rsquo;ve got to fix this.&rdquo;</p><p>The <a href="http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/your-ticket-white-city-108994" target="_blank">1893 World&rsquo;s Fair</a> is the symbolic triumph of that spirit: the great Chicago, the beneficent Chicago, the modern Chicago. Sometimes, these horrific events, acts of political violence, cause a city to do some sort of soul-searching.</p><p><strong><a name="slideshow"></a><span style="font-size:22px;">How did Haymarket affect the image of anarchists?</span></strong></p><p style="text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="true" frameborder="0" height="367" mozallowfullscreen="true" scrolling="no" src="http://docs.google.com/presentation/d/1Lz86udgxtNKfpd18q1R-9DFj51O97pEeJ_eELlEnS6E/embed?start=false&amp;loop=false&amp;delayms=5000" webkitallowfullscreen="true" width="600"></iframe></p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse:</strong>&nbsp;Before that time, anarchism was a much broader movement. It included a lot of philosophical anarchists who today we might term libertarians. After the Haymarket bombing, the popular understanding of anarchism becomes the bomb-throwing fiend, hiding behind a cape. A very rich and diverse philosophical movement gets collapsed into this one dimension of nihilism.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> Anarchism seems to me to be a utopian kind of idea. But after Haymarket, anarchists became these kind of slimy, bearded, bomb-throwing, evil monsters. All the cartoons in the press that appeared have people with long beards and long hair, and holding bombs in their hands and knives in their other hand &mdash; just these hideous kinds of criminals.</p><p><strong>Smith:</strong> Look at the (Thomas) Nast illustrations &mdash; a longhaired, wild-eyed, bomb-throwing mad person. No sane person could be an anarchist. And anybody who protested against the existing order was, in some people&rsquo;s eyes, an anarchist. The anarchists became this caricature. And if you didn&rsquo;t like a person who protested against the current order, you called him or her an anarchist &mdash; whether or not they really were. Anarchy became: &ldquo;I want chaos. I want disorder. I want to destroy any kind of order that&rsquo;s out there.&rdquo;</p><p><strong>Fink: </strong>The anarchists were through after Haymarket. Basically, they were rounded up. They were deported if they weren&rsquo;t jailed. Haymarket &mdash; followed by the assassination of (President William) McKinley at the hands of an anarchist just after the turn of the century &mdash; that finished (them) off as all but a fringe within the radical left of the country.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>The cultural image of the bearded, stooped, dark, bomb-throwing anarchist has carried through to the present day. The very symbol of the sort of the round, globe bomb with the hissing fuse on it passes (through) the popular culture right up to Boris and Natasha and &ldquo;Spy vs. Spy.&rdquo; I think that image was born in the Haymarket. That image of the sulking, loner foreign, bomb-throwing anarchist has a great resonance in American culture.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>What connections do you see between the events of Haymarket and today?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Green: </strong>As in the 1880s, Chicago is a city of immigrants and a city of immigrants who are wage-earning people, many of whom are in low-wage occupations, many of whom may not be citizens&nbsp;at all or are viewed as second-class citizens. There are similarities with the Gilded Age and the extremes of wealth.</p><p>The unions are pretty tough in Chicago, but they&rsquo;re under assault. The mayor (Rahm Emanuel) would certainly love to get rid of the teachers union. There&rsquo;s a lot of pressure on unions to give up things. The eight-hour workday &mdash; for a lot of people &mdash; is not feasible anymore. You need to work two jobs and overtime.</p><p><strong>Fink: </strong>The larger issues of inequality, worker rights, the basic decency of the workplace are still very much alive today. And some of the issues &mdash; the length of the workday and whether there&rsquo;s a minimum wage &mdash; have returned to the political surface. Our culture is also constantly challenged by those who would find scapegoats as a way of turning away from the central issues raised by a movement or by radicals<a name="rhymefest"></a>.</p><p style="text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="343" scrolling="no" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/iTEcyfQDdIk" width="610"></iframe></p><p style="text-align: center;"><em>(Rapper Rhymefest performs his update of the Haymarket-era &#39;Eight Hour Song&#39;</em><em>)</em></p><p><strong>Pacyga: </strong>The Occupy Chicago movement &mdash; I suppose the police are making these people out to be anarchists, but I don&rsquo;t think that, generally, the Occupy people are violent.</p><p>Think about how (Chicago Teachers Union President Karen) Lewis thinks about (Mayor) Rahm Emanuel today. Whose side is he on, according to the Chicago Teachers Union? There&rsquo;s always been that sort of conflict. In Chicago, people with clout are generally people who have money. And people who have money are not interested in supporting strikes &mdash; generally speaking.</p><p>America is a very middle-class culture. Revolutionary movements sprout up periodically, but they pass &mdash; because the majority of people do not embrace these ideologies. And if they embrace ideologies, they embrace them on the right rather than the left. That&rsquo;s part of our historical tradition.</p><p><strong><span style="font-size:20px;">Our five historians</span><a name="historians"></a></strong></p><p>Sincere thanks to the following the experts, who provided extensive interviews for our coverage of the Haymarket riot and its effects:</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/james%20green%20copy.png" style="float: left; height: 93px; width: 100px;" title="" /><strong>James Green</strong>, a history professor at the University of Massachusetts Boston, wrote the 2006 book <em>Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement, and the Bombing that Divided Gilded-Age America</em>.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/carl%20smithcopy.jpg" style="height: 92px; width: 100px; float: left;" title="" /><strong>Carl Smith</strong>, an English professor at Northwestern University, focused on the incident&rsquo;s cultural effects in his 1995 book <em>Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman</em>. He also curated the Chicago History Museum&rsquo;s <a href="http://www.chicagohistory.org/dramas/" target="_blank"><em>The Dramas of Haymarket </em></a>website.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/dompac%20copy.jpg" style="height: 93px; width: 100px; float: left;" title="" /><strong>Dominic A. Pacyga</strong>, a history professor at Columbia College Chicago, put Haymarket into the context of the city&rsquo;s history with his 2009 book <em>Chicago: A Biography</em>.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/cruse%20copy.jpg" style="float: left; height: 93px; width: 100px;" title="" /><strong>Timothy Messer-Kruse</strong>, a history professor at Bowling Green State University in Bowling Green, Ohio, has stirred controversy with his books <em>The Haymarket Trial: Terrorism and Justice in the Gilded Age </em>(2011) and <em>The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks</em> (2012), asserting there was actual evidence connecting some of the Haymarket defendants to a bombing conspiracy.</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/leonfink%20copy.jpg" style="height: 93px; width: 100px; float: left;" title="" /><strong>Leon Fink</strong>, a history professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago, has written several books on the Gilded Age and labor movements in the late 1800s.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><em>Robert Loerzel is a freelance journalist and the author of </em>Alchemy of Bones: Chicago&rsquo;s Luetgert Murder Case of 1897.<em>&nbsp;Follow him at <a href="https://twitter.com/robertloerzel" target="_blank">@robertloerzel</a>.</em></p></p> Tue, 29 Apr 2014 13:03:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/after-haymarket-anarchism-trial-and-city-search-its-soul-110098 Morning Shift: Revamping Lake Shore Drive http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift-tony-sarabia/2013-07-30/morning-shift-revamping-lake-shore-drive-108220 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/main-images/LSD-Flickr- guanacux.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>The city is planning to revamp Lake Shore Drive to make it more accommodating to motorists, cyclists and pedestrians. What will this mean for your commute? How would you change Lake Shore Drive?</p><script src="//storify.com/WBEZ/morning-shift-31.js?header=false"></script><noscript>[<a href="//storify.com/WBEZ/morning-shift-31" target="_blank">View the story "Morning Shift: Revamping Lake Shore Drive" on Storify</a>]</noscript></p> Tue, 30 Jul 2013 08:32:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift-tony-sarabia/2013-07-30/morning-shift-revamping-lake-shore-drive-108220 Fashion and art are closer than you think http://www.wbez.org/blogs/britt-julious/2013-07/fashion-and-art-are-closer-you-think-108000 <p><p style="text-align: center;"><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/Manet-Lady-with-Fans_480.jpg" title="(Art Institute of Chicago)" /></p><p>Although Chicago is not a fashion capital, our museums have done an excellent job in making connections between fashion and social and cultural changes. The Chicago History Museum&rsquo;s Costume Council frequently puts on rich exhibitions that explore the ways changes in fashion mirror changes in society at large. The latest example of this comes from the Art Institute of Chicago.</p><p>In <a href="http://www.artic.edu/exhibitions/impressionism-fashion-and-modernity" target="_blank"><em>Impressionism, Fashion, and Modernity</em></a>, curators connect the rising social classes, fashions designed to please these new classes and work of some of the most impressive Impressionists. Despite the faults of the exhibition&rsquo;s layout (dark, depressing rooms and the inability to fully immerse in the construction of the actual designs), the exhibition brings up a larger point that is still relevant today: <strong>What does fashion say about who we are?</strong></p><p>Some of the most exciting works in the exhibition are the small steel and wood engravings. Called &ldquo;fashion plates,&rdquo; the engravings resemble fashion spreads in magazines. The images on the plates have a potent combination of idealism and realism that rings true. This could be your life!</p><p>Fashion plates were eventually replaced by fashion photography and yet little has changed in how we present fashion and even images as a whole. Fashion spreads are often the only consistent outlet for commercial publications to explore aesthetic and artistic ideas on a regular basis. This is why fashion photography still makes headlines. They can help spread existing stereotypes or negative portrayals of different people.&nbsp;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/Renoir-La-Loge_360.png" style="float: left;" title="(Art Institute of Chicago)" />Impressionistic painting was inspired by the fashion of the time and fashion was an urban phenomena synonymous with modernity. Fashion offered a playground for artists to play, eventually bringing paintings to life. In turn, the paintings gave the dresses a freedom of movement not previously seen.</p><p>The paintings also immortalized the clothing and trends. Why is this not the case in contemporary society?</p><p>Contemporary art of the Impressionist period reflected the ephemerality of daily life and focused on the permanence of beauty and art. This was a rapidly changing time in relation to the distribution of wealth and resources. As individuals&#39; means changed, so too did their art.</p><p>Does contemporary society have an issue with &ldquo;beauty&rdquo; and &ldquo;art?&rdquo; Probably not. This could be a result of changing markets.</p><p>Both art and fashion have been overrun by purchasing power and capitalist markets. However, fashion has seen this occur much more rapidly than the art market.</p><p>Great art and beauty are still created on a daily basis. But everyday life lacks the ephemeral quality it once had. We are more connected and intertwined than ever before. Nothing dies on the Internet. What does this mean? Well for one, it means that our actions, however small, can live on beyond our own lives. In terms of connecting fashion and art, perhaps this means that there is nothing to reflect on in the grand picture. There is nothing to capture before it is gone because all of it can live on with us and in us with greater permanence.</p><p>Regarding fashion, we often claim that something has &ldquo;come back,&rdquo; but perhaps in 2013, it never went away. This is what ultimately makes the <em>Impressionism, Fashion, and Modernity</em> exhibition so important. It is not just reflecting on what was. It also reflects on what can no longer be. We&rsquo;ve abandoned the newness of fashion and culture. Perhaps we can rectify this. Perhaps not. Fashion is still tied into our wants and desires. People still purchase clothing &ndash; luxurious clothing &ndash; to reflect where they are (or where they want to be). But as an art form, it&rsquo;s lost its relevance with the everyday consumer.</p><p><em><strong>Britt Julious</strong>&nbsp;blogs about culture in and outside of Chicago. Follow Britt&#39;s essays for&nbsp;<a href="http://wbez.tumblr.com/" target="_blank">WBEZ&#39;s Tumblr</a>&nbsp;or on Twitter&nbsp;<a href="http://twitter.com/britticisms" target="_blank">@britticisms</a>. She&#39;s a co-host of the&nbsp;<a href="https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/wbezs-changing-channels/id669715774?mt=2" target="_blank">Changing Channels</a>&nbsp;podcast about the future of television.</em></p></p> Wed, 10 Jul 2013 12:00:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/blogs/britt-julious/2013-07/fashion-and-art-are-closer-you-think-108000 Where was Congressman Gutierrez at 25? http://www.wbez.org/series/year-25/where-was-congressman-gutierrez-25-107062 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/main-images/luis25.JPG" alt="" /><p><p><a href="http://gutierrez.house.gov/about-me/full-biography">Illinois U.S. Congressman Luis Gutierrez</a> has made a name for himself across the nation as one of the most vocal &nbsp;proponents of <a href="http://www.wbez.org/news/gutierrez-ryan-push-immigration-overhaul-chicago-106786">immigration reform</a>.</p><p>Gutierrez is a longtime member of the U.S. House of Representatives &ndash; he&#39;s been serving since 1992. And years before that, he served as alderman of the 26th Ward in Chicago.</p><p>So, you&rsquo;d think, this guy must have been working toward a spot on Capitol Hill all his life.</p><p>Wrong.</p><p>25-year-old Luis Gutierrez was a 1st, 2nd and 3rd teacher in Puerto Rico. He had followed his then-girlfriend, Soraida, there and eventually married her.</p><p>The two were making a life for themselves - Soraida was going to school, and Luis was the lone male teacher in a little school out in the mountains. He was paid minimum wage - about $3.25 per hour, he says &ndash; which was hardly enough to feed the two of them and get Soraida to school. So, as Gutierrez recalls, he gave what little money he had to Soraida for school and then got creative.</p><p>&ldquo;I remember - it&rsquo;s probably a violation of the law today, I hope it wasn&rsquo;t one then, although I&rsquo;m sure the statute of limitations have run out,&rdquo; Gutierrez said. &ldquo;I used to eat with all the children in the school lunch program.&rdquo;</p><p>Gutierrez says he soon realized Puerto Rico wasn&rsquo;t the best option for him and his wife, so they moved back to Chicago, where he was from originally. After a month or so of fruitless attempts to find a job, Gutierrez decided to get his his chauffeur&#39;s license and drive a cab.</p><p>Yes, you read that right. Illinois U.S. <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DZbMdFUFAro">Congressman Luis Gutierrez</a>, drove a cab when he was 25 years old.</p><p>&ldquo;So, for all of those that see the cab driver, remember, it could be a transitional moment in their life, and one day they could be actually adopting and proposing the laws of the nation, that guy in the front seat,&rdquo; Gutierrez said.</p><p>In this interview with WBEZ&rsquo;s Lauren Chooljian, Gutierrez tells the stories of his 25th year, and explains how that person had not a clue in the world that he&rsquo;d wind up in elected politics. He also discusses how his personality has changed over the years, and what parts of his 25-year-old self had to change in order to be the lawmaker he is today.</p><p><em>Lauren Chooljian is the WBEZ Morning Producer and Reporter. Follow her<a href="http://twitter.com/triciabobeda"> </a><a href="https://twitter.com/laurenchooljian">@laurenchooljian</a></em></p></p> Tue, 07 May 2013 15:04:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/series/year-25/where-was-congressman-gutierrez-25-107062 Culture Catalysts: Cultivating Talent http://www.wbez.org/series/chicago-amplified/culture-catalysts-cultivating-talent-107206 <p><p>Culture Catalysts is a monthly series that celebrates and provides a platform for Chicagoans at the epicenter of the cultural scene. Listen to&nbsp;<strong>Beth Kligerman</strong>, Director of Talent &amp; Talent Development at Second City, and <strong>Dylan Rice</strong>, Program Director of Creative Industries-Music at the Department of Cultural Affairs and Special Events in a conversation about the mechanics of cultivating talent and building infrastructures that allow and encourage artists to remain in Chicago.</p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/MCA-webstory_20.gif" style="float: left;" title="" /></div><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Recorded live Tuesday, April 9, 2013 at The Museum of Contemporary Art Chicago.</p></p> Tue, 09 Apr 2013 10:50:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/series/chicago-amplified/culture-catalysts-cultivating-talent-107206 Heritage Matters: Food, Fire & Family http://www.wbez.org/series/chicago-amplified/heritage-matters-food-fire-family-106934 <p><p>Heritage Matters: Food, Fire, &amp; Family was a cultural demonstration event, where participants learned about German and Japanese traditions. The German demonstration featured a flaming punch with rum, wine, and space. The Japanese demonstration was an interactive mochi-making, a sweet rice cake, served with ozoni soup. After the demonstrations all joined at the table for food tasting from both cultures and a conversation about family meals. During the tasting presenters shared few cultural facts as well.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/CCA-webstory_3.JPG" title="" /></div><p>Recorded live on Mach 9, 2013 at DANK-HAUS.</p></p> Sat, 09 Mar 2013 14:38:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/series/chicago-amplified/heritage-matters-food-fire-family-106934 On Presidents' Day, comparing national holidays around the world http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2013-02-18/presidents-day-comparing-national-holidays-around-world-105590 <p><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fapi.soundcloud.com%2Ftracks%2F79823063&amp;color=ff6600&amp;auto_play=false&amp;show_artwork=false" width="100%"></iframe></p><p>In the United States, we have 10 public holidays, including today, Presidents&rsquo; Day.</p><p>That&rsquo;s about an average number if you consider the world over. But, for wealthier, industrialized countries, it&rsquo;s actually slightly below average.</p><p>But it is hard to make much of a judgment on a country based on how many holidays it has.</p><p>Based on a <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2073511/Workers-UK-fewest-public-holidays-Europe-generous-statutory-holiday-entitlement.html" target="_blank">2011 study</a> done of <a href="http://www.mercer.com/press-releases/holiday-entitlements-around-the-world" target="_blank">62 major industrialized countries</a>, the country with the most public holidays is Colombia, with 18. Colombia has a reputation for being a pretty conservative country.&nbsp; But <a href="http://abcnews.go.com/ABC_Univision/News/guess-country-holidays/story?id=17388505" target="_blank">according to ABC News</a>, in the last year or two, Colombia has been passed by its fellow South American country, Argentina, which is developing a markedly left-wing reputation.&nbsp; Under Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, the country now has 19 public holidays.</p><p>But even some countries known as being left wing have fewer holidays than the U.S.&nbsp; For instance, Communist <a href="http://www.qppstudio.net/publicholidays2013/cuba.htm" target="_blank">Cuba</a> has only 9, along with more leftist or liberal countries like Ecuador, Denmark, Switzerland, and Canada. The Netherlands and the United Kingdom both have only 8.</p><p>Yet, some of the world&rsquo;s most repressive countries actually have more public holidays than we do. Most of them weren&rsquo;t covered by that 2011 study, but I did a little checking myself.</p><p>A lot of countries have holidays that are confined to specific regions, ethnic groups, or religions. Sometimes, there will be government holidays not always acknowledged by the private sector.&nbsp; Nevertheless, the results are still surprising.</p><p>Iran, a Shi&rsquo;ite Islam religious theocracy, has <a href="http://www.qppstudio.net/publicholidays2013/iraq.htm" target="_blank">as many as 18 public holidays</a>.&nbsp; And the country with the most holidays I found anywhere in the world was Saudi Arabia, Iran&rsquo;s Sunni nemesis, with <a href="http://www.saudiembassy.net/about/country-information/facts_and_figures/" target="_blank">as many as</a> <a href="http://www.qppstudio.net/publicholidays2013/saudi_arabia.htm" target="_blank">22 government holidays</a> every year in some regions.</p><p>A lot of these days come from two Muslim holidays that take multiple days, and are observed throughout the Middle East. (Which is why Lebanon rates so high in the 2011 study, with 16 public holidays).</p><p>But it&rsquo;s not just in the Middle East.&nbsp; In Asia, one country with a surprisingly strong showing is none other than international pariah North Korea, arguably the most repressive government anywhere in the world right now, with <a href="http://www.qppstudio.net/publicholidays2013/north_korea.htm" target="_blank">no fewer than 20 public holidays every year</a>, according to one source.</p><p>Even <a href="http://www.qppstudio.net/publicholidays2013/belarus.htm" target="_blank">Belarus</a> narrowly beats the United States, with 11 public holidays to our 10.</p><p>So, the level of freedom, liberalism, conservatism, or economic prosperity has, in the end, very little to do with how many days a year people get to take a break.&nbsp; So, when you&rsquo;re annoyed to find your bank closed today, just think: in some countries, where the quality of life is far worse than here, it happens even more often.</p></p> Mon, 18 Feb 2013 15:28:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/programs/worldview/2013-02-18/presidents-day-comparing-national-holidays-around-world-105590 Philosophy and Sex http://www.wbez.org/blogs/bez/2013-02/philosophy-and-sex-105392 <p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/love-images-wallpaper.jpg" style="height: 388px; width: 620px;" title="Philosophy and Sex (dailyscreens.com)" /></div><p>Arguably, Alain De Botton is the most widely read English language philosopher in the world. In fact, if you take into account how many languages his books have been translated into, he is perhaps the single most popularly read philosopher in the world today.</p><p>A big part of his popularity is that he has published on topics that are part of everyone&rsquo;s lives: anxiety, travel, architecture, religion and work. And now he has turned his attention to a topic that has been a &ldquo;source of needless neurotic frustration for most of human history&rdquo; &ndash; sex!</p><p>De Botton&rsquo;s new book, <em>How To Think More About Sex</em>, is not a sex manual that offers (philosophical?) insights on how to have more intense and better sex. Rather, it is a series of reflections on the general complexity of life and how all of us, to some degree or another, are unhappy with or unfulfilled in our sex lives. The goal of the book is to help us feel &ldquo;a little less painfully strange about the sex we are either longing to have or struggling to avoid.&rdquo;</p><p>Frankly, this is not a book I would give my wife, partner or lover on Valentine&rsquo;s Day. De Botton&rsquo;s thesis &ndash; though thoughtful and more than a little correct &ndash; is a downer.</p><p>Although De Botton recognizes that sex can be satisfying, sensational, and even transcendent, most of the time, he claims, it is pedestrian, purely functional or disappointing. To be fair, De Botton&rsquo;s argues that the problem isn&rsquo;t sex per se. Rather, he maintains that the demands and complexities of life make &ldquo;great sex&rdquo; hard to achieve &ndash; because we are all too busy, too engaged, too overwhelmed by too many other things in life.</p><p>Normal life, suggests De Botton, is the enemy of &ldquo;cupidity&rdquo; (eager desire). Work, children, responsibilities, stress, anxiety, drugs, alcohol, and the unavoidable loss of intimacy that is part of all long-term relationships equals the &ldquo;death of lust&rdquo; and the end of desire.</p><p>Sadly, De Botton seems to be in agreement with Goethe when he said: &ldquo;Love is an ideal thing, marriage is a real thing; a confusion of the real with the ideal never goes unpunished.&rdquo; However, I choose to take away a different lesson from this book.</p><p>Rather than just offer us a comical and negative interpretation of sex and love, I think De Botton is offering us a cautionary tale. To wit: The most difficult task in life is getting like, love and lust all in one relationship.</p></p> Wed, 13 Feb 2013 05:00:00 -0600 http://www.wbez.org/blogs/bez/2013-02/philosophy-and-sex-105392