WBEZ | politics http://www.wbez.org/tags/politics Latest from WBEZ Chicago Public Radio en Lucas chooses Chicago for his art, memorabilia museum http://www.wbez.org/news/culture/lucas-chooses-chicago-his-art-memorabilia-museum-110405 <p><p>Get your lightsabers ready: The George Lucas Museum of Narrative Art is coming to Chicago.</p><p>George Lucas and the museum board announced Tuesday they had chosen Chicago as the home for the museum, beating out San Francisco and Los Angeles.</p><p>It all started more than four years ago, in a galaxy far, far away -- also known as George Lucas&rsquo; home of San Francisco. Lucas&rsquo; originally wanted to build his museum for art and movie memorabilia at Crissy Field, land owned by the Presidio Trust. But when his plans were rejected earlier this year, he began looking into other options.</p><p>In a statement, the Lucas Museum board says Chicago&rsquo;s proposed site by Soldier Field was &ldquo;significantly larger&rdquo; and closer to public transportation than the sites San Francisco was offering. The board also lauded Chicago&rsquo;s museum campus - the proposed site for the museum - as &ldquo;vibrant,&rdquo; and &ldquo;centrally located in a city renowned for its love of art and architecture.&rdquo;</p><p>Though he&rsquo;s from California, Lucas has his own personal connections to Chicago. Lucas&rsquo; wife, Mellody Hobson, is a prominent businesswoman from Chicago. The couple celebrated their wedding at Promontory Point along the Lake Michigan shore. The city closed down the entire park for the event.</p><p>Mayor Rahm Emanuel has been lobbying for major cultural institutions to move to or take root in Chicago. A mayoral-appointed task force last month recommended the Lucas museum be built along the lakefront, in the now-parking lots between Soldier Field and McCormick Place</p><p>Emanuel called landing the Lucas Museum a &ldquo;tremendous opportunity&rdquo; for the city. He&rsquo;s said in the past taxpayers wouldn&rsquo;t be footing the bill for the billion-dollar investment.</p><p>The mayor has also attempted to assure Bears fans that the Lucas museum won&rsquo;t keep them from tailgating before home games. Last month, he told reporters at an unrelated event that &ldquo;there&rsquo;s going to be tailgating. Full stop.&rdquo;</p><p>&ldquo;I can&rsquo;t thank George and Mellody enough,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;No other major American city has these type of cultural education institutions, with a great Northerly Island creating a vibrant, green museum campus - unparalleled in the United States.&rdquo;</p><p>In a statement, George Lucas says Chicago is the right decision for the museum, but the Bay area will always be his home.</p><p><em>Lauren Chooljian is a WBEZ Reporter. Follow her </em><a href="https://twitter.com/laurenchooljian"><em>@laurenchooljian</em></a></p></p> Wed, 25 Jun 2014 07:54:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/news/culture/lucas-chooses-chicago-his-art-memorabilia-museum-110405 Illinois Rep. Derrick Smith convicted of bribery http://www.wbez.org/news/illinois-rep-derrick-smith-convicted-bribery-110313 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/main-images/AP362609502394.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>A federal jury in Chicago on Tuesday convicted Illinois state Rep. Derrick Smith of bribery for taking $7,000 from a purported day care operator seeking a state grant.</p><p>In a weeklong trial, prosecutors played secret recordings of the 50-year-old Chicago Democrat accepting 70 $100 bills in exchange for a letter supporting the $50,000 state grant &mdash; though it was all part of an FBI sting.</p><p>Jurors returned their verdict after deliberating about four hours over two days. Smith showed no emotion as he learned his fate, sitting with his hands folded. A family member patted him on the shoulder minutes later.</p><p>Outside court, a subdued Smith told reporters: &quot;We gave it a good fight. God knows the truth. Jurors didn&#39;t see what God saw.&quot;</p><p>No sentencing date was set, but a status hearing was set for Sept. 23. Smith was released pending a sentencing date.</p><p>The recordings of Smith by a campaign worker-turned-informant included one where Smith uses slang talking about the handover of the bribe, asking, &quot;How she going to get the cheddar to us?&quot; In another he says, &quot;I don&#39;t want no trace of it.&quot;</p><p>Prosecutors also described how a distraught Smith admitted after his March 13, 2012, arrest he took the bribe. He even brought agents to his bedroom, retrieved $2,500 in leftover bribe cash from the foot of his bed and handed it over.</p><p>Shortly after Smith&#39;s arrest, his House colleagues voted 100-6 to expel him. But he was reinstated after winning his late-2012 election. He lost his 2014 primary and was supposed to finish out his current term. However, a felony conviction means he will lose his seat.</p><p>Jurors found Smith guilty on all charges &mdash; one count of bribery and one of attempted extortion. Combined, the convictions carry a maximum 30-year prison sentence.</p><p>At trial, the defense attacked the credibility of the informant, who was only referred to by his first name, Pete, in court. They described him as a deadbeat and convicted felon who &quot;set up&quot; Smith for $1,000-a-week payments from the FBI.</p><p>&quot;He&#39;s a hustler,&quot; defense attorney Victor Henderson told jurors during closing arguments Monday. &quot;He hustled the representative and he hustled the FBI.&quot;</p><p>The attorney argued that Pete hoodwinked a devoted public servant together with an overzealous FBI.</p><p>&quot;He wasn&#39;t going to commit a crime,&quot; Henderson said, pointing to Smith. &quot;That was something they fabricated.&quot;</p><p>But prosecutor Marsha McClellan said in her closing that the recordings and other evidence demonstrated that no one led Smith astray against his will.</p><p>&quot;There sits a defendant whose public face is one of service, but who privately wanted to use that office ... to get cash into his pockets,&quot; she said.</p><p>In a recording from early March 2012, Pete counts aloud as he hands the cash to Smith in seven $1,000 stacks. As the informant counts the fifth stack, he curses as the money sticks together. He pauses, then counts the rest.</p><p>Pete then jokingly chides Smith for not expressing gratitude, saying, &quot;(You) didn&#39;t even say thank you.&quot;</p><p>The prosecutor said that Smith&#39;s easy, confident tone on the recordings illustrated he didn&#39;t think he&#39;d ever get caught.</p><p>&quot;Never in a million years did he expect us to listen to him now,&quot; McClellan told jurors. &quot;He never thought this day would come.&quot;</p></p> Tue, 10 Jun 2014 11:56:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/news/illinois-rep-derrick-smith-convicted-bribery-110313 Watch Chicago's 2nd Ward fly north over the years http://www.wbez.org/news/watch-chicagos-2nd-ward-fly-north-over-years-110293 <p><div class="image-insert-image ">Last week <a href="http://wbezdata.tumblr.com/post/86343915004/mapping-rahm-emanuels-2011-victory-and-how-that-may" target="_blank">we looked at</a> where Rahm Emanuel had support in his 2011 election and how that might shift, but one of the major pieces of geography that will change in 2015 are the boundaries themselves.</div><p>In 2012 aldermen approved a new ward map, as they do every 10 years with the decennial census. And as is also a Chicago tradition, there were calls of gerrymandering, civil rights abuses and the eventual lawsuit.</p><p>Chicago&rsquo;s redistricting efforts have been challenged in three of the past four attempts going back to 1980. That&rsquo;s why you&rsquo;ll find two different maps in use in the 1980s and 1990s, and very possibly later this decade as well (A lawsuit from the League of Women Voters is <a href="http://www.dnainfo.com/chicago/20140228/downtown/city-ward-map-lawsuit-headed-back-court" target="_blank">working its way through the courts)</a>.</p><p>Inspired by a <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2014/05/15/americas-most-gerrymandered-congressional-districts/" target="_blank">series of articles from the <em>Washington Post</em>&rsquo;s Christopher Ingraham</a>, we decided to see just how gerrymandered Chicago&rsquo;s wards have become. Ingraham created a 0-100 scale to measure the level of gerrymandering in congressional districts and we reproduced that to see how Chicago&rsquo;s wards stacked up to Congress.</p><p>We used maps from three sources: The <a href="http://hue.uadata.org">Historical Urban Ecological data set</a>, the <a href="http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/collections/maps/chigis.html">University of Chicago</a>, and the <a href="http://www.cityofchicago.org/city/en/depts/doit/dataset/boundaries_-_wards.html">city</a> of <a href="http://www.wbez.org/no-sidebar/approved-ward-map-95662">Chicago</a>.</p><p>We loaded those maps in a PostGIS database and followed Ingraham&rsquo;s methodology, specifically applying the <a href="http://www.redistrictingthenation.com/whatis-compactness.aspx">Polsby-Popper method</a> to determine a gerrymandering score (on a 0-1 scale), then converting it to a 0-100 scale.</p><blockquote><p><em>If you&rsquo;re playing along at home, the formula we used was 100*(1-(((4*3.14)*Area)/Perimeter^2))</em></p></blockquote><p>A few caveats before we continue:</p><p>-Polsby-Popper isn&rsquo;t the only way to measure gerrymandering and may not capture aspects some would associate with gerrymandering. We followed along with Ingraham&rsquo;s method to make comparisons.</p><p>-A perfect compactness score of 0 would be a circle, but no area can be split into a bunch of circles. A series of perfect squares would score 21.5.</p><p>-Compactness of a ward doesn&rsquo;t take into account population, demographics or keeping communities together, something required by the Voting Rights Act. That means sometimes a less-compact district can better serve a community.</p><p>-Chicago is a weird looking city (geographically speaking). With Lake Michigan, the O&rsquo;Hare annexation and its extreme North-South orientation, there are a lot of irregular boundaries. The city itself scores 88.8 on our gerrymandering scale (which may say something about <a href="http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/gulp-how-chicago-gobbled-its-neighbors-109583" target="_blank">how the city came together</a>, but that&rsquo;s what we&rsquo;re working with).</p><p>With that said, this is a good starting point to look at how Chicago&rsquo;s wards have changed over the years, and how it compares to other civic divisions.</p><p><strong>1927</strong></p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/1927_0.jpg" style="height: 378px; width: 320px;" title="Chicago City Council Wards, 1927 (Source: Historical Urban Ecological data set)" /></div><p>Chicago first split into 50 wards in the 1920s. Before then there were 35 wards with two aldermen each. Reformers hoped that having one alderman per ward (and 50 instead of 70) <a href="http://www.lib.niu.edu/1979/ii790211.html" target="_blank">would help reduce corruption</a>. The fact that this story exists implies that it did not.</p><p>That first attempt at 50 wards (with annexation thrown in in 1927) is pretty compact, and contains mostly shapes your toddler could name. You can see in the map above that most ward lines are fairly straight, with the Chicago River the main natural divider creating some squiggles.</p><p>At this point the 2nd Ward is a fairly regular shape, more or less a six-sided polygon.</p><p><strong>2nd Ward score: 43.37. Chicago score: 48.74.</strong></p><p><strong>1986</strong></p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/1986_0.jpg" style="height: 378px; width: 320px;" title="Chicago City Council Wards, 1986 (Source: University of Chicago)" /></p><p>Fast forward to 1986 (the next year we could find electronic ward maps). These boundaries were drawn after the election of Harold Washington as mayor and a <a href="http://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2730&amp;context=cklawreview">4-year-long court battle</a>, so would only be in effect until 1992.</p><p>While the map as a whole has undergone some major changes, the 2nd Ward is relatively close to its original shape. The boundaries to the north, west and east are in basically the same spot, but it has grown to the south. Also, notice how the southern boundary is more irregular.</p><p><strong>2nd Ward score: 45.06. Chicago score: 61.58.</strong></p><p><strong>1992/1998</strong></p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/1998_0.jpg" style="height: 378px; width: 320px;" title="Chicago City Council Wards, 1998 (Source: University of Chicago)" /></p><p>Following the 1990 census the Chicago City Council couldn&rsquo;t decide on a new ward map so they sent two proposals to voters in a referendum. Again, the choice was challenged and went to the courts, and a new ward map came in 1998. The process <a href="http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-11-09/opinion/ct-edit-wards-1109-jm-20111109_1_new-chicago-ward-map-incumbent-aldermen-census" target="_blank">cost the city $18.7 million</a>.</p><p>This is the first major change for the 2nd Ward. Other than its eastern edge on Lake Michigan, the whole thing is blown up and now resembles something like a transposed &lsquo;L.&rsquo; Not only does most of it move north, but its long, skinny shape extends west halfway across the city.</p><p>In this one change, the 2nd Ward goes from one of Chicago&rsquo;s more regular wards to one of the more gerrymandered.</p><p>While the new 1998 map had some big changes for certain districts, there was little change as far as the gerrymandering score for the city or Ward 2.</p><p><strong>1992: 2nd Ward score: 84.89. Chicago score: 69.91.</strong></p><p><strong>1998: 2nd Ward score: 85.10. Chicago score: 69.71.</strong></p><p><strong>2002</strong></p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/2002_0.jpg" style="height: 378px; width: 320px;" title="Chicago City Council Wards, 2002 (Source: City of Chicago)" /></p><p>After the 2000 census an amazing thing happened: Chicago passed a ward map that didn&rsquo;t get thrown out by the courts. In true Chicago style, though, this came because of more gerrymandering, not less.</p><p>Mayor Richard M. Daley <a href="http://news.medill.northwestern.edu/chicago/news.aspx?id=164131">worked with black and Latino councilors to craft wards that were acceptable to them</a>, creating safer constituencies at the expense of compactness.</p><p>The 2nd Ward is barely touching its original area, a plume of smoke rising from the ashes of its foundation. Its continued its northern path and now swallows up Burnham Harbor, Soldier Field and and the Field Museum.</p><p>This is the first time the 2nd Ward is Chicago&rsquo;s most gerrymandered, narrowly passing the 41st (91.28).</p><p><strong>2nd Ward score: 91.33. Chicago score: 69.71.</strong></p><p><strong>2015</strong></p><div class="image-insert-image "><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/2015_0.jpg" style="height: 378px; width: 320px;" title="Chicago City Council Wards, 2015 (Source: City of Chicago)" /></div><p>These are the wards that will elect our next round of aldermen in February, unless of course they don&rsquo;t.</p><p>The 2nd Ward was moved not only entirely north of where it was in 1927, but north of where it was in 2002. This got a lot of attention after the <a href="http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2012-01-20/news/ct-met-city-council-new-ward-map-20120120_1_new-ward-map-aldermen-vote-whitney-woodward">map was approved in 2012</a>, because it moved current 2nd Ward Alderman Bob Fioretti into the 28th Ward, seemingly a punishment for not sticking with Mayor Rahm Emanuel.</p><p>WBEZ produced <a href="http://www.wbez.org/no-sidebar/approved-ward-map-95662">an interactive map of the new wards</a> along with demographic profiles of each ward back in 2012. Check out that link for more information on the process as well.</p><p>The end result is that the 2nd Ward is now solidly Chicago&rsquo;s most gerrymandered, with the 1st Ward ranking second at 91.48.</p><p><strong>2nd Ward score: 94.16. Chicago score: 74.18.</strong></p><p><strong>How Does Chicago Compare?</strong></p><p>Going back in Ingraham&rsquo;s work with states and congressional districts, Chicago and the 2nd Ward fit in pretty well. Chicago matches up well with states like Missouri as in the upper half, but not near the most gerrymandered. The 2nd Ward, though, would be just outside the top-10 for most-gerrymandered district (Illinois 4th is No. 8).</p><p>Again, these scores may be indicators of gerrymandering but is by no means the final word. That will come later from the legal system.</p></p> Thu, 05 Jun 2014 14:47:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/news/watch-chicagos-2nd-ward-fly-north-over-years-110293 Alder-MAN-ia: Why Chicago hasn't dumped a gender-exclusive term http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/alder-man-ia-why-chicago-hasnt-dumped-gender-exclusive-term-110215 <p><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/150633976&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_artwork=true" width="100%"></iframe></p><p>In 1987 <a href="http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/alder-man-ia-why-chicago-hasn%E2%80%99t-dumped-gender-exclusive-term-110215#toddmelby">Todd Melby</a> was a student at Northwestern University&rsquo;s Medill School of Journalism, and as part of regular class assignments he&rsquo;d cover Chicago&rsquo;s City Hall. The experience stuck with him for decades. Even from his present-day home of Minneapolis, he was motivated to send along this question concerning the most fundamental term used in City Council:</p><p dir="ltr" style="text-align: center;"><em>Why hasn&#39;t Chicago dumped the guy-centric &quot;alderman&quot; title yet?</em></p><p>Maybe Todd&#39;s onto something. Cities across the country have been moving away from official use of the term, as language has become more gender-inclusive over time. That&rsquo;s especially true in cases where political and service titles can be regulated by local and state government. Firemen have officially become firefighters, for example. Ditto when it comes to police officers. As to why the term &quot;alderman&quot; in Chicago (as well as other Illinois cities with the aldermanic form of government) is a holdout, we found it has to do with law, for sure, but political inertia has played a part, too.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;">Women as Chicago aldermen</span></p><p>To back up a bit, the origin of the word alderman is inherently based on a single gender. The &quot;alder&quot; part comes from the Old English &quot;aldor&quot; meaning chief or patriarch, and the &quot;man&quot; part comes from the Old English ancestor of the same word.</p><p>&quot;Our language in government still reflects a bygone era when most elected officials were white males,&quot; said Gerald Gabris, a municipal government expert based at Northern Illinois University.</p><p>The earliest mention we found of a possible Chicago &ldquo;alderwoman&rdquo; candidate came in an 1902 in a <em>Chicago Daily Tribune</em> article.</p><p>&quot;&#39;The Alderwoman&#39;&quot; would be welcomed as a refining influence in the City Council &mdash; if she could get in,&quot; the article begins. But aldermen and city department heads quoted in the article voiced concern about whether women would want the job, or how they would act in it. &quot;Imagine a woman thinking that she had to answer to her constituents for those streets,&quot; the head of the city&#39;s Street department is quoted as saying. &quot;The whole office force would have to get out with whisk brooms and clean up for her.&rdquo;&rdquo;</p><p>Chicago didn&rsquo;t have women on the council &mdash; regardless of what they were called &mdash; until 1971, when Marilou Hedlund and Anna Langford were elected.</p><p>Fast forward to 2014, when women hold fewer than one out of every three seats in City Council &mdash; a fact that some female aldermen say is a bigger issue than their gendered title. &nbsp;</p><p>&ldquo;I think focusing on the word is less important than the fact that there are only 16 women in city council,&rdquo; said Ald. Michele Smith (43rd).</p><p style="text-align: center;"><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/cowlishaw-yourhighness.png" title="An excerpt from a 1993 transcript from an IL House of Representatives debate on whether to change the term ‘alderman’ to ‘alderperson’. Rep. Clem Balanoff-D introduced the bill. Rep. Mary Lou Cowlishaw-R supported it." /></p><p><span style="font-size:22px;">An official title and some pushback</span></p><p>According to the <a href="http://www.ilga.gov/legislation/ilcs/ilcs4.asp?DocName=&amp;ActID=802&amp;ChapterID=14&amp;SeqStart=35300000&amp;SeqEnd=36200000&amp;Print=True">Illinois Municipal Code</a>: &quot;In all cities incorporated under this Code there shall be elected a mayor, aldermen, a city clerk, and a city treasurer.&rdquo; Another state statute, <a href="http://www.ilga.gov/legislation/ilcs/ilcs3.asp?ActID=79&amp;ChapterID=2">which governs state statutes</a>, says: &quot;Words importing the masculine gender may be applied to females.&quot; Based on those two lines, <em>alderman</em> is the only legislative municipal title, and that&rsquo;s the case for all Illinois cities, not only Chicago.</p><p>And, the <a href="http://www.cityofchicago.org/content/dam/city/depts/ethics/general/Ordinances/GEO-DEC2011.pdf">city&rsquo;s own language </a>on the matter, tautological as it may be, mirrors that of the state: &ldquo;&lsquo;Alderman&rsquo; means any person holding the elected office of alderman of the city council.&rsquo;&rdquo;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/carrie austin crop.png" style="float: left;" title="Ald. Carrie Austin, who's advocated to use the term alderwoman. (Source: cityofchicago.org)" />That&rsquo;s not to say there hasn&rsquo;t been some pushback against the term. Some aldermen, like Bob Fioretti, say they&rsquo;ll use the terminology informally.</p><p>&ldquo;Well, I refer to them as alderwomen or aldermen,&rdquo; Fioretti said.</p><p>Still, the fact the official language is exclusionary bothers Alderwoman Carrie Austin of the far South Side.</p><p>&ldquo;I want all of the women that are part of the city council to sign onto legislation such as that. To change our name, our legal title as alderwoman. So that we can circulate in that manner as well,&rdquo; Austin said.</p><p>That&rsquo;s what Austin would like to see, but even she hasn&rsquo;t kick-started a legislative campaign. And doing so could be complicated, considering past attempts to get a gender neutral term on the Illinois books were fraught with trouble.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;">Harold Washington nominates an alderwoman</span></p><p>There were two fights waged to put &ldquo;alderwoman&rdquo; or &ldquo;alderperson&rdquo; into official use. (There&rsquo;s no spoiler alert warranted here: You already know both failed!)</p><p>In <a href="http://docs.chicityclerk.com/journal/1983/121683optimize.pdf">December 1983</a>, then Chicago Mayor Harold Washington nominated Dorothy Tillman to represent the 3rd Ward located on the South Side. At the time, the City Council was in the midst of the infamous &ldquo;<a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/342.html">Council Wars</a>,&rdquo; in which dozens of aldermen vehemently opposed nearly everything Washington wanted to do.</p><p>Washington&rsquo;s opponents in the council blocked Tillman&rsquo;s nomination based on a single mistake in the appointment papers.</p><p>&ldquo;Harold Washington appointed me &lsquo;alderwoman&rsquo; of the 3rd Ward,&rdquo; Tillman said.</p><p>But the committee that considered nominations wouldn&rsquo;t have it, with the officially stated objection being that the use of the term &ldquo;alderwoman.&rdquo;</p><p>So on <a href="http://docs.chicityclerk.com/journal/1984/021584optimize.pdf">Feb. 15, 1984</a>, the mayor resubmitted the nomination, changing the word &quot;Alderwoman&quot; to &quot;Alderman.&quot; He noted that he was doing so in &quot;an effort to meet objections expressed by the chairman of that committee,&quot; referring to Rules Committee Chairman Frank Stemberk.</p><p>&ldquo;He [Washington] &nbsp;had to reappoint me as the alderman of the 3rd Ward,&rdquo; said Tillman, who took the seat the seat the following year and served until 2007. &ldquo;I wore the title of alderman proudly.&rdquo;</p><p>It&rsquo;s unclear whether this battle over Tillman&rsquo;s nomination rested on gender politics, or whether it was just collateral damage from the ongoing council wars, in which the friction often came down to race. Harold Washington was the city&rsquo;s first African-American mayor. Dorothy Tillman is African-American.</p><p style="text-align: center;"><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/balanoff%20png.png" title="An excerpt from a 1993 transcript from an IL House of Representatives debate on whether to change the term ‘alderman’ to ‘alderperson’. Rep. Clem Balanoff-D introduced the bill. " /></p><p><span style="font-size:22px;">The second coming &hellip; and losing</span></p><p>In 1984 the term &ldquo;alderwoman&rdquo; became political fodder, but later there was a direct challenge to the gender-specific title of alderman.</p><p>In 1993, then-state Rep. Clem Balanoff (D) introduced a bill that &quot;does nothing more than change the term &#39;alderman&#39; to &#39;alderperson&#39;, in making the term gender neutral,&quot; according to a <a href="http://www.ilga.gov/house/transcripts/htrans88/HT031093.pdf">transcript of the floor debate.</a></p><p>Balanoff recently explained that he introduced the bill because a female Chicago alderman had relayed how annoyed she was at the state law.</p><blockquote><p><a name="debate"></a>(Here&#39;s the full floor debate, re-enacted by WBEZ staffers. Clem Balanoff stars as himself!)</p></blockquote><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/150599511&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_artwork=true" width="100%"></iframe></p><p>Balanoff imagined the title change would be a slam dunk, as it had already passed in committee.</p><p>&ldquo;It just seems like something that makes so much sense,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;It doesn&rsquo;t bother anybody. It&rsquo;s not going to change state statute so big, it doesn&rsquo;t cost any money.&rdquo;</p><p>But the bill never made it out of the Illinois House; Republican leader Bill Black successfully argued against it during the floor debate.</p><p>&ldquo;Let&rsquo;s, for once in a rare moon, use a little common sense,&rdquo; Black told his fellow representatives. &ldquo;Let those people be referred to or called by whatever they want, by whatever body they represent. I implore you not to clutter the state&rsquo;s statutes. I urge a &lsquo;no&rsquo; vote.&rdquo;</p><p>Balanoff said after Republican Bill Black spoke, most of the GOP followed suit.</p><p>&ldquo;I don&rsquo;t want to say they follow lockstep, but it&rsquo;s pretty close,&rdquo; he said.</p><p>Balanoff added that, after the no vote of 1993, he imagined he&rsquo;d bring the issue up again down the line. He never did.</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/CoggsHead.jpg" style="float: right;" title="Ald. Milele Coggs, the only woman serving on Milwaukee's 15-member council. (Source: city.milwaukee.gov) " /><span style="font-size:22px;">Support for the word &ldquo;alderwoman&rdquo;?</span></p><p>While alderpersons or alderwomen aren&rsquo;t official terms in Illinois, they do exist in Wisconsin. In 1993, their state statutes were amended to refer to &ldquo;<a href="http://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/statutes/statutes/62.pdf">alderpersons</a>.&rdquo; Just a few years before (1988), a rewrite of the <a href="http://city.milwaukee.gov/ImageLibrary/Groups/ccClerk/Ordinances/CH1.pdf">Milwaukee&rsquo;s city charter</a> officially recognized female council members as &ldquo;alderwomen.&rdquo;</p><p>That word has special significance to Milwaukee Alderwoman Milele Coggs, the only woman currently serving on the city&rsquo;s 15-member council.</p><p>&ldquo;For me to be called alderman, is to not give recognition to who or what I am, and although my gender is only part of what I am, it is part of me,&rdquo; Coggs said. &ldquo;Just like men who happen to serve as council members prefer to be called aldermen, I just prefer to be called alderwoman. It&#39;s recognition.&rdquo;</p><p>A handful of Chicago&#39;s suburbs use the term &quot;council member&quot; instead of alderman. Joliet, Wheaton and Naperville are among the suburbs that go as far as referring to members as &quot;councilman&quot; and &quot;councilwoman.&quot; No suburb with aldermen refer to female council members &quot;alderwomen.&quot;</p><p>But such a measure isn&rsquo;t likely to gather momentum anytime soon in Chicago. Few of the other aldermen interviewed for this piece suggested changing the word.<a name="toddmelby"></a></p><p>&quot;It personally doesn&#39;t make a difference to me how I&#39;m referred to,&quot; said Ald. Mary O&#39;Connor (41st). &quot;I worked really hard to become the alderman of the 41st Ward and I truly believe that there are more important issues for me to be advocating for than to change a title, so I&#39;m comfortable with being called alderman.&quot;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/Todd%20Melby%20photo%20by%20Ben%20Garvin%20%28CREDIT%29.JPG" style="width: 270px; float: left; height: 194px;" title="Todd Melby, who asked us this question. (Photo by Ben Garvin)" /><span style="font-size:22px;">Our question comes from: Todd Melby</span></p><p>Todd Melby is an independent media producer based out of Minneapolis, a place where people on the City Council used to be addressed as &ldquo;alderman,&rdquo; but are now referred to as council members.</p><p>Melby said, &ldquo;As I guy, I usually don&rsquo;t encounter this gender-specific stuff. However, as a father, people often use the term &ldquo;mothering&rdquo; when I would parent my children, 20-25 years ago. When they were young there were lots of ads that talked about &lsquo;mothering&rsquo; as a synonym for parenting. So I guess I was kind of sensitive to that as a father who was a very involved parent.&rdquo;</p><p>(Editor&rsquo;s note: Todd Melby also heads up <a href="http://blackgoldboom.com/">Black Gold Boom</a>, a project which &mdash; like Curious City &mdash; was initiated by <a href="http://localore.net/">Localore </a>from the <a href="http://www.airmedia.org/">Association of Independents in Radio</a>.)</p><p><em>Tanveer Ali is a Chicago-based freelance journalist. Follow him <a href="http://twitter.com/tanveerali">@tanveerali</a>. Jennifer Brandel is Founder and Senior Producer of WBEZ&rsquo;s Curious City. Follow her <a href="https://twitter.com/JnnBrndl">@jnnbrndl</a>.</em></p></p> Wed, 21 May 2014 12:38:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/alder-man-ia-why-chicago-hasnt-dumped-gender-exclusive-term-110215 Illinois' red light on Sunday car sales http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/illinois-red-light-sunday-car-sales-110136 <p><p><iframe frameborder="no" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/148403096&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_artwork=true" width="100%"></iframe></p><p>Judging by how many transportation-related <a href="http://curiouscity.wbez.org/questions/archive" target="_blank">questions Curious City receives</a>, we denizens of the Chicago region are obsessed with getting around and will ask about any <a href="http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/question-answered-why-ban-pickups-lake-shore-drive-where-can-they-park-104631" target="_blank">stumbling blocks</a> &mdash; legal or otherwise &mdash; that threaten to get in our way.</p><p><a href="http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/illinois-red-light-sunday-car-sales-110136#julischatz">Juli Schatz</a> of South Elgin is just one fan who&rsquo;s stepped forward with a puzzler related to mobility. Here&rsquo;s the gist of what she wants to know: &nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr" style="text-align: center;"><em>When did the state of Illinois begin its ban on Sunday car sales, and why?</em></p><p>The short answer? Turns out, auto dealers in Illinois have kept their doors closed on Sundays for more than three decades &mdash; from a law passed in 1982, to be specific. The state legislature sided with a group of dealers who argued that having a mandatory day off allowed employees to be with their families and practice their faith, without worrying that their competitors were open and could steal a sale.</p><p>Here&rsquo;s an excerpt of the <a href="http://www.ilga.gov/legislation/ilcs/fulltext.asp?DocName=062500050K5-106" target="_blank">law </a>Illinois still follows today:</p><blockquote><p><em><span style="font-size:12px;">(625 ILCS 5/5-106) (from Ch. 95 1/2, par. 5-106)</span></em></p><p><em><span style="font-size:12px;">Sec. 5-106. No person may keep open, operate, or assist in keeping open or operating any established or additional place of business for the purpose of buying, selling, bartering, exchanging, or leasing for a period of 1 year or more, or offering for sale, barter, exchange, or lease for a period of 1 year or more, any motor vehicle, whether new or used, on the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday; ...</span></em></p></blockquote><p>But this story about Sunday car sales goes back even further than the 1980s; Illinois has had this debate since the 1950s, with similar arguments for and against being deployed each time &mdash; including the issue&rsquo;s resurrection today.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;">Chapter 1: Prairie State car law, in the shade of blue</span></p><p>The state&rsquo;s Sunday auto sales ban is one of many state-level blue laws, which &mdash; as a category &mdash; prohibit certain secular activities on Sundays. It&#39;s a bent the Prairie State apparently shares with several neighbors: Iowa, Indiana, and Missouri also prohibit selling motor vehicles on Sundays. Wisconsin prohibits a dealer from selling on Sundays, unless the operator holds that the Sabbath occurs between sunset Friday and sunset Saturday.</p><p>Illinois&#39; own ban first made its way through the legislature in 1951. Dealers wanted to allow a day off, but any single dealership couldn&rsquo;t close its doors while competitors stayed open. Legislators agreed to a mandatory day off and passed a bill to make it happen, but the story got complicated as soon as the bill hit Governor Adlai Stevenson&rsquo;s desk.</p><p>Stevenson&rsquo;s Attorney General, Ivan A. Elliott, encouraged the governor to veto the bill, saying it likely violated the Illinois Constitution &ldquo;as an interference with the right of an individual to pursue any trade or occupation which is not injurious to the public or a menace to the safety or welfare of society.&rdquo;</p><p>Stevenson heeded the AG&rsquo;s word, and vetoed Senate Bill 504.</p><p>&ldquo;If such a restriction on Sunday trade is sound for automobiles, why should it not be extended to newspapers, groceries, ice cream cones and other harmless commercial transactions?&rdquo; Stevenson wrote in a veto message. &ldquo;Carried to its logical extreme, any business group with sufficient influence in the legislature can dictate the hours of business of its competitors. And if hours, why not prices?&rdquo;</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;">A short Chapter 2, and complicated Chapter 3</span></p><p>A nearly identical bill followed a similar path in 1957. House Bill 946 survived both houses, only to be defeated at the hand of Governor William Stratton days after passage.</p><p>The legislature made another attempt in 1961, only this time Governor Otto Kerner signed Senate Bill 597, making it a crime for any person to sell, barter or exchange any new or used motor vehicle on the day &ldquo;commonly called Sunday.&rdquo;</p><p>But some car dealers weren&rsquo;t jazzed about their new schedules. Employees at Courtesy Motor Sales in Chicago had been able to choose any day of the week they wished for their day off, but many of them chose to work on Sundays because they made almost twice as much as they did any other day of the week. Twenty percent of Courtesy&rsquo;s annual sales in 1960 were made on Sundays.</p><p>So Courtesy employees filed an injunction in Cook County Circuit Court that ended up before the Illinois Supreme Court. The salesmen and their lawyers argued the law was unconstitutional, as it singled out one specific group of sellers.</p><p>Attorney Joe Roddy was a senior in law school at the time, working as a law clerk for the State&rsquo;s Attorney&rsquo;s office. As the State&rsquo;s Attorney was responsible for defending the statute, Roddy helped write the briefs. He also penned an article for the Chicago-Kent Law review about the case.</p><p>&ldquo;It was a huge deal,&rdquo; Roddy recalls. &ldquo;I remember a lot of publicity. Because you know, car dealerships, everybody buys a car &mdash; even in the 60s &mdash; and the car dealers wanted to be open on Sundays. So it attracted a lot of publicity because they didn&rsquo;t single out any other industry at that time.&rdquo;<a name="lawshistory"></a></p><p>The Illinois Supreme Court ruled in 1962 that the law was unconstitutional, and the debate died down for a bit.<a name="timeline"></a></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size:14px;"><strong><span style="font-family:arial,helvetica,sans-serif;">TIMELINE: The law&#39;s history</span></strong></span></p><p><iframe frameborder="0" height="650" src="http://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline/latest/embed/index.html?source=0Ai7E2pZ6aCZtdFd5Wllad2gzaWZpQnlGTGwxQzZNY0E&amp;font=Bevan-PotanoSans&amp;maptype=toner&amp;lang=en&amp;height=650" width="100%"></iframe></p><p><span style="font-size:22px;">Blue (law) since 1982</span></p><p>In the 1980s, car dealers across the state wrote state lawmakers, arguing that a mandatory day off would protect the livelihood of sellers and would provide needed time for family or faith. A new bill banning sales on Sundays made its way through the legislature, with major support coming from trade organizations that represent car dealerships.</p><p>But the measure also had opponents.</p><p>&ldquo;I think it comes with some amazement that a bill like this would come before us. We have heard time and time again from the business community that they would like less regulation by the state, and less mandates,&rdquo; Senator Don Totten argued on the Senate floor at the time. &ldquo;I think this runs contrary to our system of free enterprise.&rdquo;</p><p>The bill ended up making it way through both houses, leaving Governor Jim Thompson with a tough decision.</p><p>&ldquo;Look, I&rsquo;m not a big fan of blue laws,&rdquo; Thompson now says. &ldquo;I think commerce should be open and free.&rdquo;</p><p>And because of that, Thompson says, he did go back and forth on this one.</p><p>&ldquo;It was not a simple decision,&rdquo; he says. &ldquo;It was more a complex decision, but I guess what impressed me was the unanimity of the opinion [of] the dealer and the employee group. And the notion that if people &mdash; in order to protect their livelihood &mdash; had to work 7 days a week, that was a pretty tough proposition, especially people with families.&rdquo;</p><p>Thompson ended up signing the bill on July 13, 1982, but the law wasn&rsquo;t implemented until April 1984, when the state&rsquo;s Supreme Court ruled the ban was constitutional. The state has enforced a six-day sales week for dealers around Illinois ever since.</p><p><span style="font-size: 22px;">Ice cream cones and planned purchases</span></p><p>Fast forward to early 2014. It turns out that our question from Juli Schatz question is timely. Much to the dismay of many Illinois car dealers, Republican State Senator Jim Oberweis introduced a bill at the end of 2013 that would allow all dealers to open their doors on Sundays, should they want to.</p><p>Oberweis made the argument that his plan wouldn&rsquo;t <em>force</em> dealerships to do anything. Having government decide when businesses can and can&rsquo;t be open, he says, amounts to too much regulation.</p><p>&ldquo;I believe it is wrong for government to tell a business when they can be open and when they cannot be open. That&rsquo;s what they do in Russia, not in the United States,&rdquo; Oberweis says. &ldquo;And it becomes even worse when we learn that this is an industry supported effort. They decided they don&rsquo;t want to be open themselves, and then they attempt to use government to prohibit competition on those days. That is just fundamentally wrong in my opinion.&rdquo;</p><p>Oberweis says the bill likely won&rsquo;t go anywhere in 2014, as too few Senate Democrats are on board with repealing the ban.</p><p>Dave Sloan, President of the Chicago Automobile Trade Association, says the bill&rsquo;s also likely to fail because both consumers and dealers are happy with the current law. The CATA has been a long-time supporter of the Sunday closing law, and Sloan says he was surprised to see Oberweis&rsquo; bill come up in the first place. In his 20 years at the CATA, including their work running the Chicago Auto Show, he says he&rsquo;s never heard a single complaint from a consumer over not being able to shop on Sundays.</p><p>&ldquo;If the purchase of a car was an impulse buy, like if you were buying an ice cream cone from one of Mr. Oberweis&rsquo; ice cream stores, that might make a difference. But it&rsquo;s a planned purchase,&rdquo; Sloan says. &ldquo;So if you have the opportunity to keep costs lower, and the consumer isn&rsquo;t inconvenienced by that, well, then everyone wins.&rdquo;</p><p>Sloan says a six-day work week helps dealers attract high-caliber employees; he argues it&rsquo;s hard to find full-time salesmen who will commit to working on commission when the dealership is open seven days a week.</p><p>As time goes on, and technology advances, so too do auto sales, according to Pete Sander, president of the Illinois Automobile Dealers Association. He says compared to decades past, many more vehicles are financed during the purchase process. Since banks aren&rsquo;t open on Sundays either, he says, closing a sale becomes difficult, if not impossible. &nbsp;</p><p>And Sander says now that both dealers and manufacturers have websites available 24/7, the average customer only visits a dealership lot an average of one and a half times before purchasing a vehicle. Five years ago, the average customer would visit a sales lot five times.</p><p>&ldquo;By the time they get to the dealer on Saturday, they pretty much know what they want, and whether the dealer has what they want. It&rsquo;s just a matter of negotiating the price of the trade-in, and negotiating the price of the car,&rdquo; Sander says. &ldquo;So it&rsquo;s not like the old going from dealer to dealer to find the right car in the color and model you want, and kicking the tires as we used to do in the old days.<a name="julischatz"></a></p><p>&ldquo;It&rsquo;s a much different commercial transaction now.&rdquo;</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;">Our question comes from: Juli Schatz</span></p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/JuliBW.jpg" style="float: left; height: 205px; width: 150px;" title="Juli Schatz, who asked why Illinois banned Sunday car sales. (Photo courtesy Juli Schatz)" />Our look at Illinois&rsquo; ban on Sunday car sales comes courtesy of South Elgin resident Juli Schatz, who says she can&rsquo;t quite put her finger on when, exactly, this seed of curiosity about Illinois&rsquo; ban on Sunday cars was first planted.</p><p>It likely happened, she says, decades ago when her dad helped her shop for a car. Schatz&rsquo;s dad worked five days a week, so he was only free to kick tires or test-drive on weekends. She thought it was strange that Sunday sales were off the table.</p><p>&ldquo;I asked [my dad] and he had no idea why, and that was long before the Internet or anything,&rdquo; Schatz recalled. &ldquo;We actually asked a couple of car dealers while we were shopping for my new used car, and they had no idea.&rdquo;</p><p>Schatz says she&rsquo;s been curious about it ever since. Years later, she worked in ad sales for several newspapers, including the <em>Naperville Sun</em>, and she had car dealerships as some of her customers.</p><p>&ldquo;Same thing,&rdquo; she says. &ldquo;Nobody really knew. And some of these dealers had been in business for quite a while and they said, &lsquo;You know, it&rsquo;s just always been that way.&rsquo;&rdquo;</p><p><em>Lauren Chooljian is a WBEZ Reporter. Follow her <a href="https://twitter.com/laurenchooljian">@laurenchooljian</a>.</em></p><div>&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div></p> Mon, 05 May 2014 17:05:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/illinois-red-light-sunday-car-sales-110136 Chicago's e-cigarette crackdown is officially underway http://www.wbez.org/news/chicagos-e-cigarette-crackdown-officially-underway-110101 <p><p>The city of Chicago&rsquo;s crackdown on electronic cigarettes officially begins Tuesday.&nbsp;</p><p>E-cigarettes, or vape pens, allow users to puff on nicotine vapor rather than real tobacco smoke. The Chicago City Council passed an ordinance in January that regulates the pens just like any other tobacco product. From now on, smokers won&rsquo;t be allowed to use any of these devices in the workplace or any enclosed public places like bars, restaurants, stores or sports venues.</p><p>The city policy also bans the distribution or sale of e-cigarettes to minors, and requires that stores keep them behind the counter, rather than out on the sale floor.</p><p>Mayor Rahm Emanuel backed the measure, and has been pushing restrictions on all forms of cigarette smoking - including boosting the cigarette tax and putting a prohibition on selling flavored tobacco products within a 500 feet of a school.</p><p>&ldquo;It&rsquo;s been a long line of activities to protect our kids from both tobacco products, and more importantly, from the tobacco companies seeing [kids] as part of their bottom line. And they&rsquo;re not,&rdquo; Emanuel told WBEZ.&nbsp;</p><p>Opponents - including some aldermen - say e-cigarettes are safer than regular tobacco-burning cigarettes, and can actually help people quit.</p><p>The Food and Drug Administration issued a proposal last week that would extend the agency&rsquo;s tobacco authority to cover e-cigarette products, which would restrict companies from giving out free samples. It would also impose minimum-age and identification restrictions on e-cigarettes and keep them out of vending machines (unless they&rsquo;re in a facility that never admits kids) but it stopped short of regulating advertising.The proposed rule is now under a public comment period.</p><p>Dr. Bechara Choucair, Commissioner of Chicago&rsquo;s Department of Public Health, said the proposal is a good first step--and a step in the right direction--but the city&rsquo;s ordinance goes even farther.</p><p>Choucair said if anyone sees people smoking e-cigarettes in Chicago where they&rsquo;re not supposed to, they can call 311 to file a complaint.</p><p><em>Lauren Chooljian is a WBEZ reporter. Follow her <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https%3A%2F%2Ftwitter.com%2Flaurenchooljian&amp;sa=D&amp;sntz=1&amp;usg=AFQjCNHdY9Bg1Uv8cPtNPU3NCg2qmAExsQ">@laurenchooljian</a>&nbsp;</em></p></p> Tue, 29 Apr 2014 17:17:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/news/chicagos-e-cigarette-crackdown-officially-underway-110101 After Haymarket: Anarchism on trial and a city in search of its soul http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/after-haymarket-anarchism-trial-and-city-search-its-soul-110098 <p><div class="image-insert-image "><a name="top"></a><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/TIOOR_0.jpg" style="height: 223px; width: 620px;" title="" /></div><p><iframe frameborder="0" height="166" scrolling="no" src="https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/147277419&amp;color=ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=false&amp;show_artwork=true" width="100%"></iframe></p><p>No one knows who threw the bomb near Haymarket Square on the night of May 4, 1886. It&rsquo;s one of Chicago&rsquo;s most vexing unsolved mysteries. But there&rsquo;s little question that this violent act had huge repercussions &mdash; not only in Chicago but around the world.</p><p>Curious City received a question about this legendary and controversial event from a Naperville resident named Sabina:</p><p style="text-align: center;"><em>&ldquo;How did the Haymarket Square Massacre affect Chicago&rsquo;s culture at the time?&rdquo;</em></p><p>(Sabina didn&rsquo;t leave her last name or reply to our follow-up emails, but that didn&rsquo;t dissuade us from answering this fascinating and important question.)</p><p>We took a wide-angle view of what &ldquo;culture&rdquo; means &mdash; to quote one dictionary definition, it&rsquo;s the &ldquo;ideas, customs, skills, arts, etc. of a particular people or group in a particular period.&rdquo; Talking with five historians who have written about Haymarket, it becomes clear that this 1886 incident changed Chicagoans&rsquo; ideas about many things, especially labor, politics and justice. And in countless ways, it changed how the city&rsquo;s people looked at their fellow Chicagoans &mdash; whether it was a factory owner and a laborer facing off, or a person born in America suspiciously eyeing an immigrant from Europe. &nbsp;</p><p>Haymarket left a lasting stigma on radical movements. Ever since, the public has imagined&nbsp;<a href="#slideshow">anarchists as bomb-throwing fiends</a>. Tensions were already running high between wealthy business owners and poor workers in Chicago, but Haymarket made them even worse. Historians say it set back the labor movement for decades. But it also spurred some Chicagoans to seek ways of defusing that tension and making the city a more civic place.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>The explosion at Haymarket</strong></span></p><p>First, here&rsquo;s a quick summary of the Haymarket story. (Although our question-asker called it a &ldquo;massacre,&rdquo; it&rsquo;s probably best to avoid using that controversial term.)</p><p>On May 1, 1886, hundreds of thousands of people across the country &mdash; and 30,000 in Chicago &mdash; went on strike, demanding an eight-hour workday. Two days later, strikers scuffled with replacement workers at the <a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/2204.html" target="_blank">McCormick Reaper Works</a> on the Southwest Side. Police fired into the crowd, killing two strikers.</p><p>Outraged by the police violence, anarchists held a rally on the night of May 4 at Haymarket Square, near Randolph and Desplaines streets. Around 1,500 people gathered to hear speeches. Mayor Carter Harrison Sr. watched for a while, then decided to go home. It looked peaceful to him. By 10:30 p.m., as the crowd was dwindling, a line of nearly 200 police officers came marching down the street. The police ordered the crowd to disperse.</p><div class="image-insert-image " style="text-align: center;"><a href="#slideshow"><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/v37v.jpg" style="height: 337px; width: 450px;" title="" /></a></div><blockquote><div class="image-insert-image " style="text-align: center;"><strong>Anarchist Lookbook:&nbsp;<a href="#slideshow">Haymarket&#39;s pictorial impact on radical politics</a></strong></div></blockquote><p>Just then, a bomb came flying toward the cops and exploded. Gunfire erupted. Some witnesses said later that the police fired most of the bullets. Others said that people in the crowd were shooting, too. By the time it was all over, seven officers were dead or dying. Four people in the crowd died. Dozens of people on both sides were wounded.</p><p>In the coming days, police rounded up dozens of anarchists across the city. That summer, eight radicals were put on trial. Just a few of them had actually been at the rally in Haymarket Square. Prosecutors didn&rsquo;t know who threw the bomb, but they persuaded a jury that these men were guilty of a bombing conspiracy.</p><p>Seven of the men were sentenced to hang, and one (Oscar Neebe) received 15 years in prison. Two of the men facing the death penalty (Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab) asked for clemency, and Republican Gov. Richard Oglesby reduced their punishment to life in prison. Another one of the men on death row, Louis Lingg, killed himself in his jail cell with a smuggled blasting cap.</p><p>That left four men who had refused to ask the governor for mercy: Albert Parsons, August Spies,&nbsp;George Engel and Adolph Fischer. On Nov. 11, 1887, they were hanged at the same time on the gallows at Cook County Jail.</p><p>Six years later, a new governor &mdash; Democrat John Peter Altgeld &mdash; pardoned the three Haymarket defendants who were serving time in prison (Fielden, Schwab and Neebe). Altgeld called the trial a miscarriage of justice.</p><p>To find out what effect these events had on Chicago&rsquo;s culture, <a href="#historians">we spoke with five experts</a>. The following is an edited transcript from separate phone interviews with these five authors.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>What sort of tensions was Chicago experiencing leading up to Haymarket?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Dominic A. Pacyga: </strong>We sometimes don&rsquo;t realize how violently divided we were in the 19th century. After the Civil War, people thought there was going to be another civil war, but this would be between the working poor and the rich. It didn&rsquo;t happen, but it certainly seemed like it was going to happen.</p><p><strong>James Green:</strong> It isn&rsquo;t surprising that (the bombing) happened, given the culture of violence and conflict that had been festering in Chicago ever since 1867. Gov. Oglesby signed a bill, making eight hours the legal workday, on May 1, 1867. What happens? Well, employers refuse to obey the law. There&rsquo;s rioting. That starts a cycle of violence. Employers don&rsquo;t want any sort of state intervention. The unemployed demand relief. Well, that causes a riot.</p><p>The radical Republicans &mdash; Oglesby and the folks who saw themselves in Lincoln&rsquo;s tradition &mdash; wanted to mediate this. The failure of that means the more savage forces inherent in the industrial process in Chicago take over. There&rsquo;s a lot of violence in the workplace. There&rsquo;s violence in the streets. People were engaged in violent acts on both sides. And the police are in the middle and often blamed for it.</p><p><strong>Timothy Messer-Kruse: </strong>The bombing occurred in the context of the first-ever national general strike. The idea was that any worker who had not achieved the eight-hour workday at their place of employment would go on strike on May 1. The simultaneous striking of millions of workers would simply create a cascading change across the country. And that would force both politicians and employers to recognize labor&rsquo;s power.</p><p>Everybody in industrial settings, they did toil very long days. In those days, 10 hours was standard. In many areas, it was sunup to sundown.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> In the packinghouses, they generally worked until all of the animals were slaughtered. Most male workers were completely removed from their family because of the 12-hour or 16-hour day. In the steel mills, there were two 12-hour shifts. You worked six days a week.</p><p><strong>Leon Fink: </strong>The anarchists were the left wing of the eight-hour movement. And within that left wing, there was a fringe of anarchists who counseled the use of bombs and dynamite. They justified it &mdash; at least publicly &mdash; as something they would only resort to in the face of police violence and as a defensive mechanism. But it seems clear there was a fringe of anarchists who were stockpiling bombs.</p><p><strong>Carl Smith:</strong> I think most of (the Haymarket defendants) are nonviolent people. They were convicted for what they said, not what they did. But yes, they certainly rhetorically preached violence as a solution. They preached a sense that violence is being practiced on them, day in and day out in the system &mdash; the billy clubs of the police. In their worldview, it was a life-and-death battle.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>Among those <a href="http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/haymarket/haymarketdefendants.html">eight defendants</a>, there clearly were people who were willing to use violence for political ends &mdash; Louis Lingg, very clearly. The evidence is overwhelming that he made the bombs, including the bomb that was thrown at the Haymarket rally. He had dedicated his life to the violent overthrow not only of the government but essentially all bourgeois institutions. (The Haymarket defendants include) individuals who philosophically agree that the industrial society was so unjust, so murderous in its daily operation, that it had to be overthrown through some sort of mass, violent insurrection.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket affect the labor and radical political movements?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Pacyga: </strong>Oh, it devastated the labor movement and the radical movement. Everybody who was involved with the May Day strike was tainted by the bombing. We still don&rsquo;t know really who threw the bomb. But the people in power used this as an excuse to really destroy the labor movement, to destroy the labor press and to move against all attempts to organize workers across the city.</p><p><strong>Smith: </strong>What the press and leading businessmen tried to do was tar all labor organizing with the brush of anarchism and to link anarchism with bombing. People started associating labor unions with bomb-throwers.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>Haymarket definitely threw a big monkey wrench into the direction of American labor activism. When the bomb went off, Chicago went from being a city involved in what was becoming a complete general strike to a city pretty much on lockdown, with police investigations of this bombing.</p><p>The eight-hour movement was stopped in its tracks. Many workers in Chicago and elsewhere were actually winning concessions from their employers. Workers had been peacefully on strike, negotiating with their employers. When that bomb went off and police were killed, (labor activists) suddenly lost a lot of power and lost a lot of respect. Many employers who had conceded the eight-hour day in Chicago took it back. They simply tore up those contracts and took it back.</p><p>Had that (bombing) not happened, it could very well have gone otherwise. If the eight-hour day had been secured, then labor leaders would&rsquo;ve been emboldened to continue those kinds of tactics &mdash; and to view their role as being not only involved in their individual labor unions but involved in the general politics of the nation.</p><p>When the bomb went off, it went exactly the other direction. Labor leaders abandoned any idea of mobilizing this kind of public activism. America&rsquo;s trade union leaders become very conservative after Haymarket. They primarily become concerned with the interests of their own narrow sector of the workforce, and not with the nation as a whole.</p><p><strong>Green: </strong>It was certainly a crushing blow to that revolutionary left wing. The doctrine of force as a political philosophy disappears. What it did was drastically limit what the public debate about working conditions could be. It was no longer admissible to talk about it being so bad that something radical had to happen. That was out the window.</p><p>If the bomb hadn&rsquo;t exploded that evening, it might have (shown) that citizens could go into the streets and nonviolently protest for their rights, and that the employers would concede and people would move on in some nonviolent way to some kind of mediated workplace situation.</p><p>It would also have meant that there was still a radical voice within the house of labor, saying, &ldquo;We may have the eight-hour day, but there&rsquo;s something fundamentally rotten about this system. And ultimately, unless we replace it with another kind of economy, we&rsquo;re going to be in trouble.&rdquo; But that voice was gone. After Haymarket, the American Federation of Labor started to embrace a very limited version: just shorter hours and better living wages &mdash; that&rsquo;s all we want, you know?</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> There was a tremendous amount of public reaction against labor unions and against<a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/693.html" target="_blank"> the Knights of Labor</a>, which was the largest union at the time. There were about 700,000 members nationally. From that point on, the Knights of Labor really struggled and there was not that much future for it.</p><p><strong>Fink: </strong>Chicago was a leading Knights of Labor center. The Knights encompassed everyone from small businessmen and professionals down to the unskilled, including African-Americans and women. They were probably the most inclusive social movement of the late 19th century. And they were a powerful social force. They saw themselves as the preserver of the American Dream for the mass of people in the aftermath of the Civil War. They were against monopoly and against the seizure of the political system by a new moneyed elite. They believed in the ballot box. They believed in peaceful protest. They really were not in favor of strikes or confrontations, and engaged in them only as a last resort. So, their leadership was quick to disassociate itself from the anarchists, but Haymarket tarred their&nbsp;public reputation. They never ever recovered. The setback here reverberated around nation. &nbsp;</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> It wasn&rsquo;t until the beginning of the 20th century that the (labor movement&rsquo;s) recovery over Haymarket began to take place. But even then, the labor unions were pretty much kept out of power until well into the 1930s.</p><p><strong>Green: </strong>Eventually, more and more workers win the eight-hour day. In 1938, it becomes a mandate of Congress.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket affect politics in the Democratic and Republican parties?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>It probably didn&rsquo;t shift too much of the politics on the ground. Chicago remained a labor stronghold throughout this period and well into the 20th century, and the politics revolved around labor.</p><p><strong>Pacyga: </strong>People on both sides of the political spectrum, Democrats and Republicans, tried to get leniency for the Haymarket martyrs. But Marshall Field really pushed &mdash; he wanted them to be punished. People like (Haymarket defendant Albert) Parsons had been a pain in his side for a long time. Marshall Field wanted them hanged.</p><p><strong>Green:</strong> Lyman Trumbull (a former U.S. senator who lived in Chicago), who&rsquo;s another one of these Lincolnian Republicans, thinks that these men&rsquo;s lives should be spared. It&rsquo;s a conflict within the Republican Party over this whole thing. In the end of course, there&rsquo;s no question what will be the outcome.</p><p><strong>Smith: </strong>No mainstream politician defended them. And Altgeld (Gov. John Peter Altgeld, the Democrat who pardoned the three Haymarket defendants serving prison sentences in 1893) didn&rsquo;t defend them. He said that they didn&rsquo;t get a fair trial. He called it a miscarriage of justice. He didn&rsquo;t say they were right.</p><p><strong>Pacyga: </strong>He hurt his political career with the pardons, absolutely. He turned the power elite against him.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>I don&rsquo;t think that&rsquo;s really true. In fact, you could argue that it actually was a springboard into other politics. For example, during the great 1896 Democratic convention in Chicago, Altgeld was clearly the toast of the convention.</p><p><strong>Fink:</strong> For the conservative forces in either party, Haymarket provided a kind of ready reference for the fears and threats of radicalism. The Haymarket defendants were quickly seen as un-American, as a&nbsp;threat to the social order. The Democrats would try to peel off the rank-and-file of the labor and radical movement. They would say: &ldquo;We can provide certain benefits if you&rsquo;ll come under our umbrella.&rdquo; For many former labor movement types, the Democratic Party became the only game in town.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> The Democratic Party appealed to solid bread-and-butter unionists who simply wanted things like better conditions, better pay, paid vacations.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket affect immigrants living in Chicago?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Fink:</strong> It forced most immigrant groups to prove their respectability.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> There was tremendous anti-immigrant reaction and anti-Catholic reaction. Here were these Germans talking about throwing bombs and a bomb gets thrown. It proved the point that these radical ideologies were coming in from Europe and the gates should be closed.</p><p>There was a lot of class tension within (immigrant) communities. A lot of the cops that were killed were Irish working-class cops. (They) were putting down a working-class demonstration, which Irish attended. This ripped all these ethnic communities apart in one way or the other.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>Haymarket provided tinder for (the anti-immigrant) movement by associating immigration and lawlessness and anarchy, but I wouldn&rsquo;t take that too far. The anti-immigrant tensions in a city like Chicago are not necessarily caused by the Haymarket bombing. They&rsquo;re caused by many factors.</p><p><strong>Green: </strong>Chicago was such a polyglot city that it was almost a little too late to be talking about pulling up the gates. I wouldn&rsquo;t say Chicago in the 1890s was a particularly hostile place for immigrants, more so than any other city.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket change the police and courts in Chicago?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>The Chicago police were already beginning a long process of professionalization and modernization. And this event certainly sped that process up quite a bit. It also leads many states to take on more responsibility for the policing of labor struggles.</p><p><strong>Smith: </strong>It&rsquo;s the first major Red Scare. It sets a pattern: When something happens like this, you say it&rsquo;s outside agitators who are making this happen, so round them up and punish them. &ldquo;If we catch these guys and hang these guys, the problem will be solved.&rdquo;</p><p>You could never hold a trial like that now. There were plenty of other miscarriages of justice of all&nbsp;kinds, but generally speaking, in this country, trials got fairer. I think there was a sense afterwards that the trial was a case of &ldquo;the ends justify the means.&rdquo;</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>How did Haymarket shape Chicago&rsquo;s reputation?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>Not that Chicago needed a lot of help, as far as its reputation goes, but from this time on, it does have a reputation as a hotbed of radicalism.</p><p><strong>Fink: </strong>It was an immigrant city. It was not in the hands of &ldquo;respectable&rdquo; Americans. So it had a kind of dangerous edge to it in the popular mind. On the other hand, for the political left, especially internationally, Chicago became famous for its radicalism and its martyrs. Like other flamboyant episodes of violence &mdash; like (John) Dillinger or (Al) Capone or other moments of disorder &mdash; it added to Chicago&rsquo;s reputation as a city on the edge.</p><p><strong>Smith: </strong>The bombing hurt Chicago&rsquo;s reputation, certainly. But it didn&rsquo;t slow its growth in any way. The population doubled in the 1880s and then doubled again in the 1890s. So in terms of people voting with their feet or capital coming in &mdash; or the decision to hold a World&rsquo;s Fair here (in 1893) &mdash; Haymarket didn&rsquo;t stop any of that.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> Chicago&rsquo;s position along the railroad lines and water make Chicago such an optimal place to invest in that (business owners) ignore these things. Plus, you&rsquo;ve got a government that generally supports big business. Ignores pollution. Ignores the times when big business steals water.</p><p><strong>Green: </strong>I&rsquo;m sure that the city fathers, (Tribune publisher) Joseph Medill and all of the big business guys were saying, &ldquo;Well, see, we took care of this problem now. We&rsquo;re not going to let that happen again.&rdquo; It may have in fact enhanced their reputation as tough law-and-order people keeping the lid on things. Of course, they failed. Something far worse occurs in 1894, the Pullman Strike. That was much, much worse violence.</p><p><strong>Green:</strong> In Jane Addams&rsquo; <em>Twenty Years at Hull House</em>, she talks about coming back from England around 1889. The city was still taken up with Haymarket. People were still tense. There was this attempt on her part and other liberals to try to create a civic forum where all of the hard feelings about Haymarket could be discussed and opened up and a new civic culture could be created and there wouldn&rsquo;t be so much hatred and class bitterness. That&rsquo;s what <a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/615.html" target="_blank">Hull House</a> was about.</p><p>That&rsquo;s what the liberal Chicago was about: Let&rsquo;s make it a better city. Let&rsquo;s make it a city where there isn&rsquo;t so much hatred, and where immigrants don&rsquo;t feel so exploited, and where the police are not killing&nbsp;people. So that did begin to happen. People were saying, &ldquo;This is terrible. We&rsquo;ve got to fix this.&rdquo;</p><p>The <a href="http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/your-ticket-white-city-108994" target="_blank">1893 World&rsquo;s Fair</a> is the symbolic triumph of that spirit: the great Chicago, the beneficent Chicago, the modern Chicago. Sometimes, these horrific events, acts of political violence, cause a city to do some sort of soul-searching.</p><p><strong><a name="slideshow"></a><span style="font-size:22px;">How did Haymarket affect the image of anarchists?</span></strong></p><p style="text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="true" frameborder="0" height="367" mozallowfullscreen="true" scrolling="no" src="http://docs.google.com/presentation/d/1Lz86udgxtNKfpd18q1R-9DFj51O97pEeJ_eELlEnS6E/embed?start=false&amp;loop=false&amp;delayms=5000" webkitallowfullscreen="true" width="600"></iframe></p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse:</strong>&nbsp;Before that time, anarchism was a much broader movement. It included a lot of philosophical anarchists who today we might term libertarians. After the Haymarket bombing, the popular understanding of anarchism becomes the bomb-throwing fiend, hiding behind a cape. A very rich and diverse philosophical movement gets collapsed into this one dimension of nihilism.</p><p><strong>Pacyga:</strong> Anarchism seems to me to be a utopian kind of idea. But after Haymarket, anarchists became these kind of slimy, bearded, bomb-throwing, evil monsters. All the cartoons in the press that appeared have people with long beards and long hair, and holding bombs in their hands and knives in their other hand &mdash; just these hideous kinds of criminals.</p><p><strong>Smith:</strong> Look at the (Thomas) Nast illustrations &mdash; a longhaired, wild-eyed, bomb-throwing mad person. No sane person could be an anarchist. And anybody who protested against the existing order was, in some people&rsquo;s eyes, an anarchist. The anarchists became this caricature. And if you didn&rsquo;t like a person who protested against the current order, you called him or her an anarchist &mdash; whether or not they really were. Anarchy became: &ldquo;I want chaos. I want disorder. I want to destroy any kind of order that&rsquo;s out there.&rdquo;</p><p><strong>Fink: </strong>The anarchists were through after Haymarket. Basically, they were rounded up. They were deported if they weren&rsquo;t jailed. Haymarket &mdash; followed by the assassination of (President William) McKinley at the hands of an anarchist just after the turn of the century &mdash; that finished (them) off as all but a fringe within the radical left of the country.</p><p><strong>Messer-Kruse: </strong>The cultural image of the bearded, stooped, dark, bomb-throwing anarchist has carried through to the present day. The very symbol of the sort of the round, globe bomb with the hissing fuse on it passes (through) the popular culture right up to Boris and Natasha and &ldquo;Spy vs. Spy.&rdquo; I think that image was born in the Haymarket. That image of the sulking, loner foreign, bomb-throwing anarchist has a great resonance in American culture.</p><p><span style="font-size:22px;"><strong>What connections do you see between the events of Haymarket and today?</strong></span></p><p><strong>Green: </strong>As in the 1880s, Chicago is a city of immigrants and a city of immigrants who are wage-earning people, many of whom are in low-wage occupations, many of whom may not be citizens&nbsp;at all or are viewed as second-class citizens. There are similarities with the Gilded Age and the extremes of wealth.</p><p>The unions are pretty tough in Chicago, but they&rsquo;re under assault. The mayor (Rahm Emanuel) would certainly love to get rid of the teachers union. There&rsquo;s a lot of pressure on unions to give up things. The eight-hour workday &mdash; for a lot of people &mdash; is not feasible anymore. You need to work two jobs and overtime.</p><p><strong>Fink: </strong>The larger issues of inequality, worker rights, the basic decency of the workplace are still very much alive today. And some of the issues &mdash; the length of the workday and whether there&rsquo;s a minimum wage &mdash; have returned to the political surface. Our culture is also constantly challenged by those who would find scapegoats as a way of turning away from the central issues raised by a movement or by radicals<a name="rhymefest"></a>.</p><p style="text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="343" scrolling="no" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/iTEcyfQDdIk" width="610"></iframe></p><p style="text-align: center;"><em>(Rapper Rhymefest performs his update of the Haymarket-era &#39;Eight Hour Song&#39;</em><em>)</em></p><p><strong>Pacyga: </strong>The Occupy Chicago movement &mdash; I suppose the police are making these people out to be anarchists, but I don&rsquo;t think that, generally, the Occupy people are violent.</p><p>Think about how (Chicago Teachers Union President Karen) Lewis thinks about (Mayor) Rahm Emanuel today. Whose side is he on, according to the Chicago Teachers Union? There&rsquo;s always been that sort of conflict. In Chicago, people with clout are generally people who have money. And people who have money are not interested in supporting strikes &mdash; generally speaking.</p><p>America is a very middle-class culture. Revolutionary movements sprout up periodically, but they pass &mdash; because the majority of people do not embrace these ideologies. And if they embrace ideologies, they embrace them on the right rather than the left. That&rsquo;s part of our historical tradition.</p><p><strong><span style="font-size:20px;">Our five historians</span><a name="historians"></a></strong></p><p>Sincere thanks to the following the experts, who provided extensive interviews for our coverage of the Haymarket riot and its effects:</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/james%20green%20copy.png" style="float: left; height: 93px; width: 100px;" title="" /><strong>James Green</strong>, a history professor at the University of Massachusetts Boston, wrote the 2006 book <em>Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement, and the Bombing that Divided Gilded-Age America</em>.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/carl%20smithcopy.jpg" style="height: 92px; width: 100px; float: left;" title="" /><strong>Carl Smith</strong>, an English professor at Northwestern University, focused on the incident&rsquo;s cultural effects in his 1995 book <em>Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman</em>. He also curated the Chicago History Museum&rsquo;s <a href="http://www.chicagohistory.org/dramas/" target="_blank"><em>The Dramas of Haymarket </em></a>website.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/dompac%20copy.jpg" style="height: 93px; width: 100px; float: left;" title="" /><strong>Dominic A. Pacyga</strong>, a history professor at Columbia College Chicago, put Haymarket into the context of the city&rsquo;s history with his 2009 book <em>Chicago: A Biography</em>.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/cruse%20copy.jpg" style="float: left; height: 93px; width: 100px;" title="" /><strong>Timothy Messer-Kruse</strong>, a history professor at Bowling Green State University in Bowling Green, Ohio, has stirred controversy with his books <em>The Haymarket Trial: Terrorism and Justice in the Gilded Age </em>(2011) and <em>The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks</em> (2012), asserting there was actual evidence connecting some of the Haymarket defendants to a bombing conspiracy.</p><p><img alt="" class="image-original_image" src="http://www.wbez.org/system/files/styles/original_image/llo/insert-images/leonfink%20copy.jpg" style="height: 93px; width: 100px; float: left;" title="" /><strong>Leon Fink</strong>, a history professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago, has written several books on the Gilded Age and labor movements in the late 1800s.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><em>Robert Loerzel is a freelance journalist and the author of </em>Alchemy of Bones: Chicago&rsquo;s Luetgert Murder Case of 1897.<em>&nbsp;Follow him at <a href="https://twitter.com/robertloerzel" target="_blank">@robertloerzel</a>.</em></p></p> Tue, 29 Apr 2014 13:03:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/series/curious-city/after-haymarket-anarchism-trial-and-city-search-its-soul-110098 Morning Shift: What other cities can learn from a Detroit success story http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift-tony-sarabia/2014-04-03/morning-shift-what-other-cities-can-learn-detroit <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/main-images/Shinolas Detroit Flickr Sean Davis.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>We take a look at a new Detroit company that is making a bet on local manufacturing and is counting on traditions of a Chicago factory to get there. Plus, why so many Illinoisans view political corruption as the norm.</p><div class="storify"><iframe allowtransparency="true" frameborder="no" height="750" src="//storify.com/WBEZ/morning-shift-what-other-cities-can-learn-from-a-d/embed?header=false" width="100%"></iframe><script src="//storify.com/WBEZ/morning-shift-what-other-cities-can-learn-from-a-d.js?header=false"></script><noscript>[<a href="//storify.com/WBEZ/morning-shift-what-other-cities-can-learn-from-a-d" target="_blank">View the story "Morning Shift: What other cities can learn from a Detroit success story" on Storify</a>]</noscript></div></p> Thu, 03 Apr 2014 08:37:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/programs/morning-shift-tony-sarabia/2014-04-03/morning-shift-what-other-cities-can-learn-detroit Quinn predicts radical budget cuts without revenue http://www.wbez.org/news/quinn-predicts-radical-budget-cuts-without-revenue-109918 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/main-images/quinn_budget.jpg" alt="" /><p><p>Gov. Pat Quinn wants to make the state&#39;s temporary income tax increase permanent to prevent &quot;extreme and &quot;radical&quot; budget cuts.</p><p>The Chicago Democrat also said during his annual budget speech Wednesday he wants to give homeowners a $500 annual property tax refund.</p><p>The speech comes as the state faces dire financial problems and Quinn embarks on what&#39;s anticipated to be a difficult re-election bid against Republican businessman Bruce Rauner.</p><p>Quinn proposed maintaining the state&#39;s income tax increase, saying that it&#39;ll be a &quot;real challenge.&quot; The increase rolls back next year, leaving a $1.6 billion revenue dip.</p><p>Quinn says extending the increase is a better long-term solution.</p><p>Illinois has billions in unpaid bills, a low credit rating and uncertainty with its pension debt.</p></p> Wed, 26 Mar 2014 12:43:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/news/quinn-predicts-radical-budget-cuts-without-revenue-109918 Tio Hardiman considers write-in campaign for Illinois governor http://www.wbez.org/news/tio-hardiman-considers-write-campaign-illinois-governor-109891 <img typeof="foaf:Image" src="http://llnw.wbez.org/main-images/Tio H from campaign.jpg" alt="" /><p><p dir="ltr"><strong>Updated 2:02 PM 3/20/2014</strong></p><p dir="ltr" id="docs-internal-guid-fce19a07-dc93-a968-c822-beb681c1e481">Anti-violence activist <a href="http://www.hardimanforillinois.com/">Tio Hardiman</a> says he actually feels pretty good about his loss to incumbent Pat Quinn in Hardiman&rsquo;s first try to become the governor of Illinois.</p><p dir="ltr">Quinn was the expected winner in the primary race Tuesday, but Hardiman says he&rsquo;s proud that he was able to pull in more than 28 percent of the vote.</p><p dir="ltr">But that doesn&rsquo;t mean he was comfortable with the results.</p><p dir="ltr">&ldquo;Bottom line - the Democratic machine once again has failed the state,&rdquo; Hardiman said, moments after the results rolled in Tuesday night. &ldquo;And the machine continues to go with failed policies under Governor Quinn.&rdquo;</p><p dir="ltr">And that&rsquo;s why Hardiman is going after a write-in campaign.</p><p dir="ltr">Hardiman says venture capitalist Bruce Rauner, the GOP nominee for governor, is not a good choice for the people of Illinois, and Governor Quinn &ldquo;has too many issues.&rdquo;</p><blockquote><p dir="ltr"><strong>Related: <a href="http://www.wbez.org/news/quinn-rauner-set-clash-illinois-governor-race-109885" target="_blank">Quinn, Rauner set to clash in Illinois governor race</a></strong></p></blockquote><p dir="ltr">So that lead me to ask - how does one become a write-in candidate in Illinois?</p><p dir="ltr">According to Jim Allen, a spokesman for the Chicago Board of Election Commissioners, the laws have evolved to make sure people don&rsquo;t waste their votes on silly candidates.</p><p dir="ltr">&ldquo;We don&rsquo;t have to count ballots cast for screwball names or made up candidate names,&rdquo; Allen said. &ldquo;And there has to be a declaration of intent by the write-in candidate filed with each jurisdiction where they want their ballots counted.&rdquo;</p><p dir="ltr">So that means Daffy Duck or Derrick Rose wouldn&rsquo;t be counted, unless of course they filed ahead of time. But for those who really want to be a write-in, say, for the governor&rsquo;s race in Illinois, Allen says potential candidates would have to notify 109 election authorities - or however many that the candidate expects to get write-in votes for.</p><p dir="ltr">Turns out, people are willing to put in the time for the big national or statewide races.</p><p dir="ltr">&ldquo;They never want to start at alderman, or ward committeeman, or school board member in the suburbs,&rdquo; Allen said. &ldquo;They seem to like to file for the higher profile offices.&rdquo;</p><p dir="ltr">Election lawyer Richard K. Means says the election laws are also meant to keep the ballot a reasonable length. But he says in a case like Tio Hardiman&rsquo;s, there&rsquo;s another regulation to be wary of: the &ldquo;Sore Loser&rdquo; law.</p><p dir="ltr">According to Means, <a href="http://www.ilga.gov/legislation/ilcs/fulltext.asp?DocName=001000050K7-43">Section 7-43</a> of the Illinois Election Code basically says you only get one chance to present yourself to the electorate.</p><p dir="ltr">&ldquo;You can&rsquo;t do what people used to do in Illinois before this law was passed, and that&rsquo;s take a second bite of the apple and run as a member of a third party,&rdquo; Means said.</p><p dir="ltr">Means says that section also means you can&rsquo;t run again as a write-in in the general election after you lost in the primary.</p><p dir="ltr">And turns out, there&#39;s an even more specific <a href="http://www.ilga.gov/legislation/ilcs/fulltext.asp?DocName=001000050K17-16.1">statute</a> that explicitly states write-in candidacy is a no-go for anyone who already ran and lost in a primary. The law states: &quot;A candidate for whom a nomination paper has been filed as a partisan candidate at a primary election, and who is defeated for his or her nomination at the primary election is ineligible to file a declaration of intent to be a write-in candidate for election in that general or consolidated election.&quot;</p><p>When I took this information to Hardiman, he says his people will continue digging into the details. And if a write-in run doesn&rsquo;t work, he says he&rsquo;s got other plans to stay in the game and represent his supporters: Plans like requesting meetings with Rauner and Quinn to talk state policy, and running someone against Rahm Emanuel in the Chicago mayoral election in 2015.</p><p><em>Lauren Chooljian is a WBEZ reporter. Follow her<a href="http://twitter.com/triciabobeda"> </a><a href="https://twitter.com/laurenchooljian">@laurenchooljian</a></em></p></p> Wed, 19 Mar 2014 17:56:00 -0500 http://www.wbez.org/news/tio-hardiman-considers-write-campaign-illinois-governor-109891